it演講稿 模板1
閱讀小貼士：模板1共計7881個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長20分鐘。朗讀需要40分鐘，中速朗讀53分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要72分鐘，有222位用戶喜歡。
mario cuomo: "a tale of two cities"
on behalf of theempirestateand the family ofnew york, i thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention. please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric. let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the american people.
ten days ago, president reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families and their futures. the president said that he didn"t understand that fear. he said, "why, this country is a shining city on a hill." and the president is right. in many ways we are a shining city on a hill.
but the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city"s splendor and glory. a shining city is perhaps all the president sees from the portico of the white house and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. but there"s another city; there"s another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can"t pay their mortgages, and most young people can"t afford one, where students can"t afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.
in this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can"t find it. even worse: there are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. and there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn"t show. there are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. there is despair, mr. president, in the faces that you don"t see, in the places that you don"t visit in your shining city.
in fact, mr. president, this is a nation --. mr. president you ought to know that this nation is more a "tale of two cities" than it is just a "shiningcityon a hill."
maybe, maybe, mr. president, if you visited some more places. maybe if you went to appalachia where some people still live in sheds, maybe if you went tolackawannawhere thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel. maybe, maybe, mr. president, if you stopped in at a shelter in chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, mr. president, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a ta_ break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldn"t afford to use.
maybe, maybe, mr. president. but i"m afraid not.
because, the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be. president reagan told us from very the beginning that he believed in a kind of social darwinism. survival of the fittest. "government can"t do everything," we were told. "so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest. make the rich richer -- and what falls from their table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class."
you know, the republicans called it trickle-down when hoover tried it. now they call it supply side. but it"s the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods. but for the people who are e_cluded -- for the people who are locked out -- all they can do is to stare from a distance at that city"s glimmering towers.
it"s an old story. it"s as old as our history. the difference between democrats and republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. the republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail. the strong, the strong they tell us will inherit the land.
we democrats believe in something else. we democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact. and, we have more than once. ever since franklin roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to e_tend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of america.
for nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence. and remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence. and it would be wrong to forget that.
so, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children. today our great democratic party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.
that"s not going to be easy. mo udall is e_actly right, it"s not going to be easy. in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent"s polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality.
we must win this case on the merits. we must get the american public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship - to reality, to the hard substance of things. and we will do that not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound. not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that bring people to their senses. we must make the american people hear our "tale of two cities." we must convince them that we don"t have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.
now we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices. if that"s what"s heard throughout the campaign - dissident voices from all sides - we will have no chance to tell our message. to succeed we will have to surrender small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform we can all stand on, at once, comfortably - proudly singing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth. we democrats must unite.
we democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite because surely the republicans won"t bring this country together. their policies divide the nation - into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble. the republicans are willing to treat that division as victory. they would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.
we should not, we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times. remember that, unlike any other party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class. in our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of esse_ county in new york, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation. and in between is the heart of our constituency. the middle class -- the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare. the middle class, those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity. white collar and blue collar. young professionals. men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.
we speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream. we speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is america. we speak, we speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule "thou shalt not sin against equality," a rule so simple -- i was going to say, and i perhaps dare not but i will, it"s a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters -- e.r.a.!
we speak for young people demanding an education and a future. we speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security - their social security - is being threatened. we speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity. and we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very e_istence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy. they refuse. they refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.
now we"re proud of this diversity as democrats. we"re grateful for it. we don"t have to manufacture it the way the republicans will ne_t month in dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor. but while we"re proud of this diversity as democrats, we pay a price for it. the different people that we represent have different points of view. and sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue. that"s what our primaries were all about. but now the primaries are over and it is time when we pick our candidates and our platform here to lock arms and move into this campaign together. if you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own differences aside to create this consensus, all you need to do is to reflect on what the republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980.
now the president has asked us to judge him on whether or not he"s fulfilled the promise he made four years ago. i believe that as democrats, we ought to accept that challenge. and, just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he"s done. inflation is down since 1980. but not because of the supply- side miracle promised to us by the president. inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way, with a recession, the worst since 1932. we could have brought inflation down that way. how did he do it? fifty-five thousand bankruptcies. two years of massive unemployment. two hundred thousand farmers and ranchers forced off the land. more homeless than at any time since the great depression in 1932. more hungry, in this nation of enormous affluence, the united states of america, more hungry. more poor - most of them women - and he paid one more thing, a nearly $200 billion deficit threatening our future.
now we must make the american people understand this deficit because they don"t. the president"s deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise to balance our budget by 1983. how large is it? the deficit is the largest in the history of this universe; president carter"s last budget had a deficit of less than one-third of this deficit. it is a deficit that, according to the president"s own fiscal adviser, may grow as high as $300 billion a year for "as far as the eye can see."
and, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large that as much as one-half of our revenue from the income ta_ goes just to pay the interest. it is a mortgage on our children"s future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.
now don"t take my word for it - i"m a democrat.
ask the republican investment bankers on wall street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are. you see, if they"re not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they"ll say that they are appalled and frightened by the president"s deficit. ask them what they think of our economy, now that it has been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition - now we"re e_porting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones. ask those republican investment bankers what they e_pect the rate of interest to be a year from now. and ask them, if they dare tell you the truth you will hear from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.
now, how important is this question of the deficit.
think about it practically: what chance would the republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the american people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry and the largest government debt known to humankind? would american voters have signed the loan certificate for him on election day? of course not! that was an election won under false pretenses. it was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions. and that"s the kind of recovery we have now as well.
and what about foreign policy? they said that they would make us and the whole world safer. they say they have. by creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is e_cessive. by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race. by incendiary rhetoric. by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies. by the loss of 279 young americans in lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.
we give money to latin american governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it. we have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend, it seems to me, we have in the middle east, the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of israel. our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere - if we"re lucky. and if we"re not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.
of course we must have a strong defense!
of course democrats are for a strong defense. of course democrats believe that there are times when we must stand and fight. and we have. thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. but always - when this country has been at its best - our purposes were clear. now they"re not. now our allies are as confused as our enemies. now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals - not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to sakharov, not to bishop tutu and the others struggling for freedom in south africa.
we have in the last few years spent more than we can afford. we have pounded our chests and made bold speeches. but we lost 279 young americans in lebanon and we live behind sand bags in washington. how can anyone say that we are stronger, safer, or better?
that is the republican record.
that its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the american people i can only attribute to the president"s amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.
and, now it"s up to us. now it"s now up to you and me to make the case to america. and to remind americans that if they are not happy with all the president has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained. unrestrained.
if july brings back ann gorsuch burford - what can we e_pect of december? where would another four years take us? where would four years more take us? how much larger will the deficit be? how much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit? how high will the interest rates be? how much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes? and, ladies and gentlemen, the nation must think of this: what kind of supreme court will we have? we must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people"s religion and morality?
the man who believes that trees pollute the environment, the man that believes that the laws against discrimination against people go too far. the man who threatens social security and medicaid and help for the disabled. how high will we pile the missiles? how much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? and, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the american people?
this election will measure the record of the past four years. but more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.
we democrats still have a dream. we still believe in this nation"s future. and this is our answer to the question, this is our credo:
we believe in only the government we need but we insist on all the government we need. we believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesn"t distort or promise things that we know we can"t do.we believe in a government strong enough to use the words "love" and "compassion" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities. we believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.
our government should be able to rise to the level to where it can fill the gaps left by chance or a wisdom we don"t fully understand. we would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the "world"s most sincere democrat" - st. francis of assisi - than laws written by darwin.
we believe, we believe as democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world"s history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. and we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.
we believe in firm but fair law and order. we believe proudly in the union movement. we believe in privacy for people, openness by government, we believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights. we believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most te_tbooks and any speech that i could write what a proper government should be. the idea of family. mutuality. the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all. feeling one another"s pain. sharing one another"s blessings. reasonably, honestly, fairly - without respect to race, or se_, or geography or political affiliation.
we believe we must be the family of america, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in duluth are our problems. that the future of the child in buffalo is our future. that the struggle of a disabled man in boston to survive, and live decently, is our struggle. that the hunger of a woman in little rock is our hunger. that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.
now for 50 years, for 50 years we democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional democratic principles as a fi_ed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: roosevelt"s alphabet programs; truman"s nato and the gi bill of rights; kennedy"s intelligent ta_ incentives and the alliance for progress; johnson"s civil rights; carter"s human rights and the nearly miraculous camp david peace accord.
democrats did it, democrats did it - and democrats can do it again. we can build a future that deals with our deficit. remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have. and, we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation"s family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people.
we can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion. we know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980.
and we can do it again. if we do not forget. if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles. that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher: gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.
that struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city. and it"s a story, ladies and gentlemen, that i didn"t read in a book, or learn in a classroom. i saw it, and lived it. like many of you. i watched a small man with thick calluses on both hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. i saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all i needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his e_ample. i learned about our kind of democracy from my father. and, i learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother. they asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children and they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves. this nation and this nation"s government did that for them.
and that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in south jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat in the greatest state of the greatest nation in the only world we know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.
and, ladies and gentlemen, on january 20, 1985, it will happen again. only on a much, much grander scale. we will have a new president of the united states, a democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. and we will have america"s first woman vice president, the child of immigrants, and she, she, she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the united states. now, it will happen.
it will happen - if we make it happen; if you and i can make it happen.
and i ask you now - ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters - for the good of all of us - for the love of this great nation, for the family of america - for the love of god. please, make this nation remember how futures are built.
thank you and god bless you.
it演講稿 模板2
閱讀小貼士：模板2共計813個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長3分鐘。朗讀需要5分鐘，中速朗讀6分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要8分鐘，有146位用戶喜歡。
one world , one dream .簡簡單單的四個詞卻始終牽動著一個古老的東方文明古國——中國之魂。
2008．奧林匹克精神，即將在這里盛放！
幾十年，風(fēng)云變幻，斗轉(zhuǎn)星移，一個民族，一個國家，一個世界，一個夢想，在這里，不會變。這個夢，像一個種子，它有根，伸展在中華九百六十萬平方公里的土地里。這個夢，像一只鳳凰，它有絢麗的翅膀，飛翔在華夏十三億兒女的眸子里。這個夢，像一條蛟龍，它有一種精神，奔騰在湍流不息的江海里。這種精神，一種能鼓舞人奮發(fā)進取的精神；這種精神，中國奧運精神，正是順應(yīng)時代潮流，應(yīng)運而生。它是以往精神瑰寶的繼承和發(fā)揚，是中華民族的寶藏，是對中華五千年文化的提煉。 中國奧運精神更是頑強，拼搏，永不言敗的精神。不能忘記，上個世紀(jì)80年代，女排精神帶給人們的巨大鼓舞，怎能忘記雅典奧運金牌榜上，中國代表團擠身前三甲。五星紅旗一次又一次升起，國歌聲一遍又一遍奏響。同樣不曾忘記的是八年前的蒙特卡羅，兩千年奧運會主辦城的投票現(xiàn)場的一幕：投票前，由12名與我年齡相近的女孩代表北京演唱了《茉莉花》；那歌聲很美，很動人。然而，我永遠難忘的確是在北京落選時，她們放聲大哭的情景。那一次，北京輸了。但，我們從不曾放棄。正如奧林匹克精神所號召的那樣“the most important thing is not to win, but to take part; just as the most important thing in our life is not principle, but struggle。
這就奧運精神，也正是我們世世代代炎黃子孫的魂！
2008，讓我們共同期盼，讓我們追尋，讓我們一起為之奮斗！
2008，讓我們乘著科技，人文的祥云，點燃心中之火，閃耀一段歷史。
2008, 讓我們付出，讓我們分享，讓我們所有的朋友，我們一起，將世界凝成一朵璀璨的花。
2008, one world one dream！朋友們，讓我們攜起手來吧！伴著這華彩的樂章，共同高歌一曲——《new beijing，great olympics》！
頭一次參加演講比賽，陌生、緊張也伴著激動，感覺有挑戰(zhàn)性，我喜歡。
這關(guān)于奧運的演講稿，也許更多的人會用到吧？拿來和大家一起分享~不要版權(quán)，哈哈~~不用謝哦！
it演講稿 模板3
閱讀小貼士：模板3共計1833個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長5分鐘。朗讀需要10分鐘，中速朗讀13分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要17分鐘，有254位用戶喜歡。
it行業(yè)投資演講
it行業(yè)演講稿
隨著信息時代的到來與變革，it業(yè)得到了迅猛的發(fā)展，已逐漸成為占據(jù)我國市場三分之一份額的一大支柱性產(chǎn)業(yè)。it業(yè)之如此發(fā)展迅速、日新月異，與不斷注入的it業(yè)人才有著緊密的關(guān)系。it人才已逐漸成為高薪、高科技的象征。當(dāng)然，任何一種事物的發(fā)展都會有 它的規(guī)律和法則，it市場也不例外，以下是it職業(yè)的現(xiàn)狀與前景分析
a、it基層勞動者（如打字、錄入、生產(chǎn)線組裝等）
其就業(yè)特點為工資待遇相對較低（試用期工資一般在400—600元，待遇好的單位月薪可達1500以上），工作比較單調(diào)、枯燥，因此 人員流動比較大。但是它屬于it行業(yè)的基層，對人員素質(zhì)要求比較低，入行快，比較容易學(xué)習(xí)和接受。所以此類工作的就業(yè)市場一直處 于不飽和狀態(tài)。據(jù)國家勞動部門統(tǒng)計：未來幾年內(nèi)，此類工作者在全國的就業(yè)缺口將在40萬人左右?！毒┤A時報》02年8月26日報道中提 到：據(jù)北京市教委職成處郭中天處長告訴記者，北京中關(guān)村僅計算機錄入人員的需求量就高達10萬人。
b、設(shè)計型人才（如網(wǎng)頁設(shè)計、平面廣告設(shè)計、建筑和家裝設(shè)計、動畫設(shè)計等）
隨著電腦應(yīng)用的.普及深入，各行各業(yè)越來越廣泛地使用電腦為其企業(yè)及產(chǎn)品做形象宣傳、包裝、設(shè)計等工作。在各行各業(yè)迅猛發(fā)展及對自身企業(yè)形象越來越重視的帶動下，各類設(shè)計型人才（如廣告設(shè)計、裝飾裝潢設(shè)計、網(wǎng)頁設(shè)計等）作為it業(yè)市場的生力軍異軍突起，其就業(yè)市場范圍非常廣、缺口比較大（試用期月薪一般在600—1500元之間，優(yōu)秀者的月薪通常在2500元以上）。據(jù)《勞動保障報》報 道：僅就北京地區(qū)來講，其就業(yè)缺口就在10萬人左右。但隨著電腦軟件的不斷升級，功能的不斷完善與強大，此類型人才由原來的單一 型向復(fù)合型轉(zhuǎn)變。如平面設(shè)計人員除掌握相應(yīng)的軟件知識之外還應(yīng)在具備一些簡單的硬件知識和系統(tǒng)操作知識；網(wǎng)頁設(shè)計人員除掌握專 業(yè)網(wǎng)頁設(shè)計軟件之外，還應(yīng)掌握圖像處理軟件和網(wǎng)站維護等方面的知識，如果再能掌握后臺技術(shù)就成為寶貴人才了。復(fù)合型人才在求職及就業(yè)過程當(dāng)中優(yōu)勢十分明顯。
c、辦公應(yīng)用型（如文秘、辦公文員、行政助理等）
此類人才的工作強度低于a型，在工作過程中能夠?qū)W到（也需要）很多管理知識，并能增加人際交往和適應(yīng)社會的能力。其試用期工 資一般在600元左右，試用期過后待遇可在1200元以上。這類工作對人員的要求主要是：熟練掌握應(yīng)用軟件、有較高的綜合素質(zhì)和工作責(zé)任心。其特點是崗位流動性強，缺口較大，升職潛力大（升職潛力主要取決于綜合素質(zhì)的高低），許多人由此而走上了管理崗位。
d、網(wǎng)絡(luò)型人才
當(dāng)今計算機的普及與發(fā)展之所以如此之快，除其具有強大而先進的功能之外，主要還歸功于計算機網(wǎng)絡(luò)的發(fā)展。網(wǎng)絡(luò)使人與人之間 的溝通和交談變得近在咫尺。網(wǎng)絡(luò)型人才已成為計算機發(fā)展和計算機就業(yè)市場上的中流砥柱，其月薪一般保持在2000—3000元以上（如
網(wǎng)站管理、網(wǎng)絡(luò)管理等）。據(jù)北京市社會勞動保障局統(tǒng)計，僅北京市其就業(yè)缺口在5萬人左右。但該行業(yè)對就業(yè)人員的綜合素質(zhì)和專業(yè)上 有較高的要求。不過，只要通過不斷的學(xué)習(xí)和努力，it網(wǎng)絡(luò)的就業(yè)大門就會為每一個人敞開。
e、開發(fā)型人才
作為計算機發(fā)展和完善的締造者，開發(fā)型人才在it行業(yè)中起著至關(guān)重要的作用。如新興的軟件藍領(lǐng)、軟件工程師等，其月薪一直保 持在5000元以上。在未來幾年當(dāng)中，我國對軟件藍領(lǐng)和軟件工程師的需求潛力在20萬人左右（國家教育部、勞動部、人事部等聯(lián)合統(tǒng)計）。如果具備一定的文化素質(zhì)，通過學(xué)習(xí)和努力，步入此行業(yè)無論是從個人經(jīng)濟收益上還是從個人發(fā)展上都是其他行業(yè)所不能比擬的。
綜上所述，從經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的需求來看，中國基本上擁有了國際一流的科技創(chuàng)新人才，但仍缺少一支龐大的能夠了解現(xiàn)代科技知識并經(jīng) 過專門訓(xùn)練的技術(shù)操作人員隊伍，這已經(jīng)成為制約我國經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的瓶頸。我國的it隊伍存在嚴(yán)重的結(jié)構(gòu)失衡，既缺乏高級it人才，更缺乏掌握技能的應(yīng)用型信息技術(shù)人才。最近的一項調(diào)查顯示，我國it業(yè)最缺乏的其實是"數(shù)字藍領(lǐng)"和"it白領(lǐng)"，即：能從事基礎(chǔ)性工 作的技能型、應(yīng)用型人才。國家有關(guān)部門預(yù)計，在未來3至5年內(nèi)，我國it企業(yè)將有40萬的此類人才缺口。解決這些問題，依靠傳統(tǒng)的學(xué)歷教育已遠遠跟不上信息產(chǎn)業(yè)對人才的需要。如何搞好計算機應(yīng)用教育是整個教育界面臨的一大課題 。在這個領(lǐng)域內(nèi)，北師大培訓(xùn)基地做了大量的工作?，F(xiàn)在，我們要做的第一件事情就是直接將這種培訓(xùn)定位于"it職業(yè)教育"。據(jù)統(tǒng)計,發(fā)達國家當(dāng)中，技能證書持有者的就業(yè)率明顯高于學(xué)歷證書的持有者，許多大學(xué)畢業(yè)生一出校門就要先去培訓(xùn)，拿一個技術(shù)證書以 證明自己能干什么。所以說，it職業(yè)培訓(xùn)無疑是青年人就業(yè)發(fā)展和獲取高薪的一條捷徑。
it演講稿 模板4
閱讀小貼士：模板4共計590個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長2分鐘。朗讀需要3分鐘，中速朗讀4分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要6分鐘，有254位用戶喜歡。
hello everybody,good afternoon.
i know you"re in high school and you will be faced with the choice of university majors. today i want to give you some advice about it.
first of all,you must realize it’s very important for you to choose a subject in the university.
president obama said that you should always understood that when times change,so must we.so a good professional course can improve your thinking and work ability.
in my opinion ,education is the best subject that you should study in the university. in the 21 century, education is the most important basis for a country. （question）as a matter of fact ,there are many many people want to go abroad such as america ,britain,cannada. becauseof their high technology , their good conditions of life , their beautiful cities . the truth is everything is connected with the level of education.because of the good education of the people, they can do many things in the city about the humanities, the rule of law, the economy.the purpose of education is not only reflect the will of a country"s interests,but also can regulate the whole process of education activities so that educational activities to adapt to the law of education and the need of society.as for me,i think education is the no.1 productive forces.
if you choose the education as the major in the university,you will easy to find a job after you graduated.nowadays,the country needs more educator to develop the level of educate and also education can develop your mind of thinking in different ways.it’s really a good choose to study education in the university.maybe you will be changed the future of the country，even the world.
anyway,i think education is the best subject study in university.i hope my speech can help
you.
th_.
it演講稿 模板5
閱讀小貼士：模板5共計1111個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長3分鐘。朗讀需要6分鐘，中速朗讀8分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要11分鐘，有283位用戶喜歡。
one world , one dream .簡簡單單的四個詞卻始終牽動著一個古老的東方文明古國——中國之魂。
2024．奧林匹克精神，即將在這里盛放！
幾十年，風(fēng)云變幻，斗轉(zhuǎn)星移，一個民族，一個國家，一個世界，一個夢想，在這里，不會變。這個夢，像一個種子，它有根，伸展在中華九百六十萬平方公里的土地里。這個夢，像一只鳳凰，它有絢麗的翅膀，飛翔在華夏十三億兒女的眸子里。這個夢，像一條蛟龍，它有一種精神，奔騰在湍流不息的江海里。這種精神，一種能鼓舞人奮發(fā)進取的精神；這種精神，中國奧運精神，正是順應(yīng)時代潮流，應(yīng)運而生。它是以往精神瑰寶的繼承和發(fā)揚，是中華民族的寶藏，是對中華五千年文化的提煉。
中國奧運精神內(nèi)涵豐富，首先它是最深厚，最基本的愛國主義精神。1932年，在愛國將領(lǐng)張學(xué)良的資助下，劉長春只身漂泊海上21天，到達洛杉機。在男子一百米預(yù)賽中，一路領(lǐng)先，然而疲憊不堪的劉長春，還是被遺憾淘汰，1936年柏林奧運會，進入撐桿跳決賽的中國運動員竟買不起比賽用桿，1948年，倫敦奧運會中國代表團是參賽團中唯一住不起奧運村的。這不堪回首的一頁，早已被我們翻過。在1979年，中國恢復(fù)了在國際奧委會上的合法席位。1984年7月29日，許海峰的一聲槍響實現(xiàn)了中國奧運金牌史上零的突破。正是在這樣的歷史大背景下，人民的愛國之情，強國之夢與體育精神密不可分的結(jié)合在一起。終于2024年奧林匹克盛會選擇了北京，選擇了中國。這也是對深愛著祖國的華夏兒女最崇高的獎賞。
中國奧運精神更是頑強，拼搏，永不言敗的精神。不能忘記，上個世紀(jì)80年代，女排精神帶給人們的巨大鼓舞，怎能忘記雅典奧運金牌榜上，中國代表團擠身前三甲。五星紅旗一次又一次升起，國歌聲一遍又一遍奏響。同樣不曾忘記的是八年前的蒙特卡羅，兩千年奧運會主辦城的投票現(xiàn)場的一幕：投票前，由12名與我年齡相近的女孩代表北京演唱了《茉莉花》；那歌聲很美，很動人。然而，我永遠難忘的確是在北京落選時，她們放聲大哭的情景。那一次，北京輸了。但，我們從不曾放棄。正如奧林匹克精神所號召的那樣"the most important thing is not to win, but to take part; just as the most important thing in our life is not principle, but struggle。
這就奧運精神，也正是我們世世代代炎黃子孫的魂！
2024，讓我們共同期盼，讓我們追尋，讓我們一起為之奮斗！
2024，讓我們乘著科技，人文的祥云，點燃心中之火，閃耀一段歷史。
2024, 讓我們付出，讓我們分享，讓我們所有的朋友，我們一起，將世界凝成一朵璀璨的花。
2024, one world one dream！朋友們，讓我們攜起手來吧！伴著這華彩的樂章，共同高歌一曲——《new beijing，great olympics》！
頭一次參加演講比賽，陌生、緊張也伴著激動，感覺有挑戰(zhàn)性，我喜歡。
這關(guān)于奧運的演講稿，也許更多的人會用到吧？拿來和大家一起分享~不要版權(quán)，哈哈~~不用謝哦！
it演講稿 模板6
閱讀小貼士：模板6共計1060個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長3分鐘。朗讀需要6分鐘，中速朗讀8分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要10分鐘，有205位用戶喜歡。
敬愛的老師，親愛的同學(xué)們：
大家好！今天我們演講的題目是《責(zé)任伴隨我們的人生》。
dear teachers and fellow students. good morning! today the topic of our speech is : responsibilities in our life.
明朝名醫(yī)李時珍，三十八歲就已享譽盛名。但他卻毅然離開王府，辭別太醫(yī)院，在風(fēng)雨嚴(yán)寒中跋山涉水，采集草藥。終于在晚年寫出《本草綱目》。因為他明白——他的責(zé)任是懸壺濟世！
li shizhen, a doctor in the ming dynasty, had already enjoyed a good reputation at the age of 38. but he resolutely left the palace and resigned from the imperial hospital. then he travelled the lands and lakes to collect herbs and wasn"t afraid of the cold, wind, or storm. he finally wrote the compendium of materia medica in his latter years. he understood that it was his responsibility to cure the sick!
在我們周圍，經(jīng)?？吹竭@樣的景象：值日生總會留在班級，把燈、門窗關(guān)好才走；班長總是盡職盡責(zé)的為班級的大小事情服務(wù)；課代表們認(rèn)真的收發(fā)各科作業(yè)，不辭辛苦的將一垛垛高高的作業(yè)從樓上搬到樓下；班主任細致的管理班級事務(wù)，關(guān)注著每一個學(xué)生。他們的行為表達方式不一樣，但都可以用同一個詞來描述，那就是：承擔(dān)責(zé)任。
around here, such is a common sight: students always stay in class; the lights, doors and windows are closed before they leave; the class leader always serves the class with due diligence. class representatives diligently send and receive each group"s work；they take pains to move a tall stack of paper up and down the stairs; the homeroom teacher carefully manages class affairs, paying close attention to each student silently. they behave in different ways, but they can all be described with the same words: carrying one"s own responsibility.
想想我們的生活中，無時無刻不充滿了責(zé)任。不同的角色也有著不同的責(zé)任。當(dāng)你做為一名學(xué)生，勤奮學(xué)習(xí)便是責(zé)任；作為子女，孝敬父母便是責(zé)任；作為朋友，相互關(guān)心，便是責(zé)任……同時，我相信，責(zé)任它也決不是一個掛在嘴邊的空泛的口號而已。在我眼中，責(zé)任不應(yīng)該是一種客觀要求的行為，而更應(yīng)是一種自主的，發(fā)自內(nèi)心的行為和做法。當(dāng)你把承擔(dān)責(zé)任當(dāng)做一種興趣，一種自覺性，自發(fā)性行為時，我相信，這時的你已經(jīng)離成功不遠了。
think of back through our lives, it was full of responsibilities. different roles have different responsibilities. when you are a student, it is your duty to study hard. as children, it is one"s duty to honor one"s parents. as friends, mutual concern is one"s responsibility. at the same time, i believe that responsibility is by no means empty words. in my eyes, responsibility should not be an mindfully required, but more so be autonomous, natural behavior, with practice. when you take responsibility as an goal, as an eventual of unconscious, natural behavior, i believe that you are not far from success.
我們的演講完畢，謝謝大家。
thank you for your time.
