國會演講稿 模板1
閱讀小貼士：模板1共計3514個字，預計閱讀時長9分鐘。朗讀需要18分鐘，中速朗讀24分鐘，在莊重嚴肅場合朗讀需要32分鐘，有299位用戶喜歡。
尊敬的金元基議長，
各位議員朋友，
女士們，先生們，朋友們：
今天，有機會來到大韓民國國會，并同各位議員見面，我感到十分高興。首先，我要感謝金元基議長的盛情邀請。借此機會，我愿向在座的各位議員，并通過你們向韓國人民，轉(zhuǎn)達中國人民的真誠祝福。
我曾于1998年訪問過貴國，當時正是亞洲金融危機肆虐之際。韓國人民在困難面前團結(jié)自強、共渡時艱、奮發(fā)進取的精神面貌給我留下了深刻印象，韓國人民對中國人民的深情厚誼也讓我難以忘懷。時隔7年再次踏上貴國美麗富饒的國土，看到貴國這些年來經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展又取得了許多新的成就，我感到由衷的高興。
中韓兩國是隔海相望的近鄰，也是關(guān)系密切的友?。糁u瀉押玫某て誒分?，两国人民寿Z障嗷パ啊⑾嗷ソ杓?，共同磪矡退灿烂诞€轎拿鰲＝岳矗焦嗣裼衷誑夠魍飫辭致?、争取民族稇孝的伟大斗争中相互支銕相互版y?，共同谱写两z篩榪善撓巖昶?。膣有諒T?，广^閃私裉熘瀉叵搗⒄溝募崾禱?，謾n夢頤撬獎都誘涫印?/p>;
1992年中韓建交，揭開了兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展新的一頁，兩國人民心中長久積蘊的友好愿望化作了推動兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展的強大動力。__年來，兩國關(guān)系的發(fā)展，如同奔流不息的長河，充滿著旺盛的生機和蓬勃的活力。如今，中韓關(guān)系已步入歷史上的最好時期。今年兩國年貿(mào)易額將超過1000億美元，中國已成為韓國的最大貿(mào)易伙伴和投資對象國，韓國也已成為中國的第三大貿(mào)易伙伴國和第二大外資來源國?，F(xiàn)在，雙方日均人員往來達到10000人次，幾十萬人在對方國家學習、工作、生活，每周近400對航班穿梭于兩國之間。雙方在文化、教育、科學等領域的交流日益緊密，在兩國人民之間架起了理解和友誼的橋梁。雙方在國際和地區(qū)事務中的協(xié)調(diào)和合作日益密切?？梢哉f，中韓友好深入人心，發(fā)展前景十分美好。
中韓關(guān)系能夠迎來今天這樣的大好局面，是兩國政府和人民共同努力的結(jié)果。在這里，我要向長期致力于中韓友好合作的兩國各界人士表示崇高的敬意和衷心的感謝！
我要特別感謝韓國國會為發(fā)展兩國友好合作作出的重要貢獻。我高興地看到，中國全國人大和韓國國會保持著密切交往，雙方開展了良好合作，豐富了兩國全面合作伙伴關(guān)系的內(nèi)涵。兩國立法機關(guān)還將建立定期交流機制。希望兩國立法機構(gòu)加強交流合作，為兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展作出更大貢獻。
中韓關(guān)系全面發(fā)展給我們留下了許多寶貴經(jīng)驗，值得認真總結(jié)并發(fā)揚光大。我認為，最主要的經(jīng)驗有以下三個方面。
——堅定不移地奉行睦鄰友好政策，致力于維護和平穩(wěn)定的周邊環(huán)境。雙方都懷有維護和平、實現(xiàn)發(fā)展的真誠意愿，都把對方視為合作伙伴，都認為對方的發(fā)展對自己是機遇而不是威脅。這為兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展奠定了重要基礎。
——注重通過務實合作推進共同發(fā)展，致力于和平發(fā)展和互利共贏。雙方都充分利用兩國地理相鄰、文化相近、經(jīng)濟互補的優(yōu)勢，不斷挖掘潛力，拓展交流合作，給兩國人民帶來實實在在的利益。這為兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展注入了強大動力。
——堅持相互尊重、相互信任、平等相待的精神，致力于兩國關(guān)系的長期、穩(wěn)定、健康發(fā)展。雙方都從大局和長遠戰(zhàn)略的高度出發(fā)，尊重和照顧對方的關(guān)切，及時妥善解決兩國關(guān)系中出現(xiàn)的問題，使中韓關(guān)系不斷走向成熟。這為兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展提供了有力保障。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
當前，中國人民正在為實現(xiàn)全面建設小康社會的目標而奮斗。推動經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展、不斷改善人民生活始終是中國的中心任務。我們已對中國今后5年的經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展作出了戰(zhàn)略部署，其中經(jīng)濟發(fā)展方面的主要目標是：在優(yōu)化結(jié)構(gòu)、提高效益和降低消耗的基礎上，實現(xiàn)__年人均國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值比__年翻一番；資源利用效率顯著提高，__年單位國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值能源消耗比__年降低20%左右；社會主義市場經(jīng)濟體制比較完善，開放型經(jīng)濟達到新水平。為了實現(xiàn)這個目標，我們將堅持以以人為本、全面協(xié)調(diào)可持續(xù)的科學發(fā)展觀統(tǒng)領經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展全局，堅持統(tǒng)籌城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌區(qū)域發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌人與自然和諧發(fā)展、統(tǒng)籌國內(nèi)發(fā)展和對外開放，繼續(xù)深化改革開放，加快調(diào)整經(jīng)濟結(jié)構(gòu)、轉(zhuǎn)變經(jīng)濟增長方式，提高自主創(chuàng)新能力，發(fā)展循環(huán)經(jīng)濟，推動經(jīng)濟建設、政治建設、文化建設、社會建設全面發(fā)展。我們將堅定不移地高舉和平、發(fā)展、合作的旗幟，堅持走和平發(fā)展道路，堅持對外開放的基本國策，既通過爭取和平的國際環(huán)境來發(fā)展自己，又通過自己的發(fā)展來促進世界和平，同世界各國廣泛開展交流合作，實現(xiàn)互利共贏。
我們高興地看到，韓國正在調(diào)整經(jīng)濟結(jié)構(gòu)、促進產(chǎn)業(yè)升級，為建設東北亞樞紐國家和實現(xiàn)人均國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值__0美元的目標而努力。中韓兩國各自的發(fā)展為兩國深化各領域合作創(chuàng)造了新的機遇、開辟了廣闊前景，中韓關(guān)系發(fā)展有著巨大的潛力。我們雙方應該共同努力，利用好機遇，應對好挑戰(zhàn)，不斷開創(chuàng)中韓友好合作的新局面。
昨天下午，我同盧武鉉總統(tǒng)就進一步深化兩國全面合作伙伴關(guān)系深入交換了意見，達成了廣泛共識，雙方確定了一系列新的交流合作領域和項目。我相信，這必將為兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展注入新的動力。
為了進一步發(fā)展兩國全面合作伙伴關(guān)系，我們雙方應該立足現(xiàn)實、著眼長遠，進一步規(guī)劃好兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展的藍圖。在這里，我愿就此提出幾點看法。
第一，在政治上，中韓兩國應該成為不同社會制度國家和平共處的典范。世界是豐富多彩的。各國發(fā)展模式和社會制度的多樣化，以及不同發(fā)展模式和社會制度之間的取長補短、交流借鑒，是世界發(fā)展的重要動力。雖然中韓的基本國情、發(fā)展階段、社會制度不同，但兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展的實踐充分證明，只要堅持和平共處五項原則，相互理解，相互尊重，相互信任，相互促進，妥善處理分歧和問題，不同社會制度的國家完全可以和平共處并長期發(fā)展友好合作。
第二，在經(jīng)濟上，中韓兩國應該成為互利共贏、共同發(fā)展的伙伴。雙方應該繼續(xù)挖掘潛力，不斷開拓新的合作領域、提升合作水平。中韓經(jīng)貿(mào)合作中長期發(fā)展規(guī)劃聯(lián)合研究報告已經(jīng)出臺，為今后一個時期擴大雙方經(jīng)貿(mào)合作提供了科學依據(jù)。昨天，我和盧武鉉總統(tǒng)商定，雙方共同努力，爭取到__年也就是中韓建交20周年時使兩國年貿(mào)易額達到__億美元。這是一個具有挑戰(zhàn)性的目標，也是一個經(jīng)過努力完全有可能達到的目標。我相信，只要雙方本著互利共贏的原則，堅持不懈地努力，加強互利合作，一定能夠為促進兩國共同發(fā)展繁榮取得更加豐碩的成果，更好地造福兩國人民。
第三，在人文上，中韓兩國應該成為相互學習、相互促進的朋友。加強文化、教育、科技等領域的交流和借鑒，實現(xiàn)相互補充、相得益彰，對我們各自國家的發(fā)展和兩國關(guān)系的發(fā)展都具有重要促進作用。我們已商定把__年即中韓建交15周年定為"中韓交流年"，并就加強兩國青年交流及其他一系列交流活動達成共識。我們雙方應該積極開拓合作的新領域，使交流合作的形式更加多樣、內(nèi)容更加豐富，為兩國關(guān)系發(fā)展注入更多活力。
第四，在國際事務上，中韓兩國應該成為促進人類和平與發(fā)展的力量。我們兩國在許多重大國際和地區(qū)問題上有著廣泛共識，在半島和平與發(fā)展的問題上肩負著重要責任。在世界多極化和經(jīng)濟全球化的趨勢深入發(fā)展的今天，中韓關(guān)系已超越雙邊范疇。因此，我們在繼續(xù)深化雙邊關(guān)系的同時，應該主動適應國際形勢的發(fā)展變化，立足亞洲，放眼世界，共同致力于維護世界和平、促進共同發(fā)展。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
我們所處的亞洲地區(qū)正經(jīng)歷著復雜而深刻的變化。求和平、促發(fā)展、謀合作是亞洲各國人民的共同愿望，也是亞洲各國的前途所在。亞洲的振興和發(fā)展，既面臨著歷史性機遇，也面臨著嚴峻挑戰(zhàn)。面對機遇和挑戰(zhàn)并存、困難和希望同在的新形勢，如何共同構(gòu)建一個政治上和睦相處、經(jīng)濟上平等互利、安全上互信協(xié)作、文化上交流互鑒的和諧亞洲，是擺在亞洲各國政府和人民面前的一個重大課題。中韓兩國都是亞洲的重要國家，應該在亞洲和平與發(fā)展的事業(yè)中發(fā)揮積極作用。當前和今后一個時期，我們應該在以下幾個方面共同作出努力。
一是要增進相互信任，營造和睦環(huán)境。亞洲是一個多樣化的地區(qū)，各國意識形態(tài)、政治制度、文化背景、發(fā)展水平和彼此關(guān)切各不相同，新舊問題縱橫交錯。亞洲各國唯有相互尊重、坦誠相待、求同存異、互諒互讓，才能共同營造一個和諧的政治環(huán)境、和平的安全環(huán)境。
二是要推動區(qū)域合作，加快發(fā)展步伐。推動區(qū)域合作，對亞洲國家的發(fā)展十分重要。亞洲各國應該本著相互尊重、協(xié)商一致、循序漸進、互利共贏的原則，不斷創(chuàng)新合作思路、拓寬合作渠道，探索出一條符合本地區(qū)實際的區(qū)域合作之路。去年舉行的東盟與中韓日領導人會議確定了建設東亞共同體的長遠目標，標志著區(qū)域合作進入了新的發(fā)展階段。我們應該支持在能源、基建、環(huán)保、金融、農(nóng)業(yè)等重點領域建立健全多邊合作機制，努力形成優(yōu)勢互補、多元開放的合作格局。我們應該推動本地區(qū)各種合作機制相互交流、相互補充、相互促進。我們還應該利用本地區(qū)國家經(jīng)濟發(fā)展階段的差異，積極引導產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)移，形成平等互利的產(chǎn)業(yè)合作鏈條，實
國會演講稿 模板2
閱讀小貼士：模板2共計1913個字，預計閱讀時長5分鐘。朗讀需要10分鐘，中速朗讀13分鐘，在莊重嚴肅場合朗讀需要18分鐘，有166位用戶喜歡。
美國第32任總統(tǒng)富蘭克林·d·羅斯福(franklin d. roosevelt )(1933—1945)，一直被視為美國歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)之一，是20世紀美國最孚眾望和受愛戴的總統(tǒng)，也是美國歷史上惟一連任4屆總統(tǒng)的人，從1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世時為止，任職長達12年。曾贏得美國民眾長達7周的高支持率，創(chuàng)下歷史記錄。
富蘭克林·德拉諾·羅斯福出生于紐約。父親詹姆斯·羅斯福是一個百萬富翁。母親薩拉·德拉諾比父親小26歲。羅斯福曾就讀于哈佛大學和哥倫比亞大學。1910年任紐約州參議員。1913年任海軍部副部長。1921年因患脊髓灰質(zhì)炎致殘。1928年任紐約州長。1932年競選總統(tǒng)獲勝。執(zhí)政后，以"新政"對付經(jīng)濟危機，頗有成效，故獲得1936年、1940年、1944年大選連任。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)初，美國采取不介入政策，但對希特勒采取強硬手段，以"租借法"支持同盟國。1941年底，美國參戰(zhàn)。羅斯福代表美國兩次參加同盟國"三巨頭"會議。羅斯福政府提出了軸心國必須無條件投降的原則并得到了實施。羅斯福提出了建立聯(lián)合國的構(gòu)想，也得到了實施。63歲時由于腦溢血去世。
很多網(wǎng)友相信都看過電影《珍珠港》(pearl harbor)，第二次世界大戰(zhàn)在歐亞大陸打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美國卻隔岸觀火，仿佛事不關(guān)己。直到1941年12月7日早晨7點53分，日本突襲美軍在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福在國會憤然發(fā)表了這篇的演說，至此，太平洋戰(zhàn)爭全面爆發(fā)。
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
昨天，1941年12月7日──它將永遠成為國恥日──美利堅合眾國遭到了日本帝國海空軍預謀的突然襲擊。
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
昨天日本政府也發(fā)動了對馬來地區(qū)的進攻。
昨夜日本軍隊進攻了香港。
昨夜日本軍隊進攻關(guān)島。
昨夜日本軍隊進攻菲律賓群島。
昨夜日本軍隊進攻威克島。
今晨日本軍隊進攻了中途島。
演講全文：pearl harbor address to the nation
mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.
indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the e_isting diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and e_pressions of hope for continued peace.
the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive e_tending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
hostilities e_ist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.
with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.
i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has e_isted between the united states and the japanese empire.
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道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟(douglas macarthur)，美國陸軍五星上將。出生于阿肯色州小石城的軍人世家。1899年中學畢業(yè)后考入西點軍校，1903年以名列第一的優(yōu)異成績畢業(yè)，到工程兵部隊任職，并赴菲律賓執(zhí)勤。麥克阿瑟有過50年的軍事實踐經(jīng)驗，被美國國民稱之為"一代老兵"，而其自身的又曾是"美國最年輕的準將、西點軍校最年輕的校長、美國陸軍歷史上最年輕的陸軍參謀長"，憑借精妙的軍事謀略和敢戰(zhàn)敢勝的膽略，麥克阿瑟堪稱美國戰(zhàn)爭史上的奇才。
提起這句話："老兵永遠不死，只會慢慢凋零"（old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那個叼著玉米棒子煙斗的麥克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解職后在國會大廈發(fā)表的題為《老兵不死》著名演講。
我即將結(jié)束五十二年的軍旅生涯。我從軍是在本世紀開始之前，而這是我童年的希望與夢想的實現(xiàn)。自從我在西點軍校的教練場上宣誓以來，這個世界已經(jīng)過多次變化，而我的希望與夢想早已消逝，但我仍記著當時最流行的一首軍歌詞，極為自豪地宣示"老兵永遠不死，只會慢慢凋零"。
i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
就像這首歌中的老兵，一位想盡一已之責的老兵，而上帝也賜予光輝使他能看清這一項責任，而我現(xiàn)在結(jié)束了軍旅生涯，而逐漸凋謝。
and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.
演講全文：macarthur: farewell address to congress
mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:
i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely e_pressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.
i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater e_pression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.
beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now e_isting there, he must comprehend something of asia"s past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long e_ploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
mustering half of the earth"s population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
in this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war"s wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the literal line of the americas, with an e_posed island salient e_tending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands e_tending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.
any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort._ no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.
under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and e_pense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take e_ception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.
to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-e_istent, as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute e_cellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for e_pansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists" support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the e_pansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war"s wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the e_isting unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war"s terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.
on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president"s decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
such decisions have not been forthcoming.
while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china"s coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.
i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an appro_imate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:
"men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. from the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. military alliances,
balances of power, leagues of nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. the
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. we have had our last
chance. if we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
armageddon will be at our door. the
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. it must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
war"s very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
in war there is no substitute for victory.
there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history"s clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.
some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither e_planation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the ma_imum power it can commit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy"s sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.
they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don"t scuttle the pacific!"
i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and an_iety.
those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.
good bye.
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尊敬的農(nóng)德孟____，尊敬的陳德良主席，尊敬的潘文凱總理，尊敬的阮文安國會主席，同志們，朋友們：
首先，我要感謝農(nóng)德孟____、陳德良主席的盛情邀請，使我有機會再次訪問越南。我曾于1998年和__年兩次訪問過你們美麗的國家，這次是第三次來訪。每次訪問，我都親眼目睹了越南在社會主義建設和革新事業(yè)中取得的新成果，深深感受到越南人民對中國人民的深情厚意。在這里，我謹代表中國黨、政府、人民，向越南黨、政府、人民，致以誠摯的問候和良好的祝愿！
今年，是越南共產(chǎn)黨建立75周年、越南社會主義共和國成立60周年、越南實現(xiàn)國家統(tǒng)一30周年。長期以來，在越南共產(chǎn)黨領導下，越南人民堅持把馬克思主義基本原理同本國具體實際相結(jié)合，經(jīng)過艱苦奮斗，實現(xiàn)了民族解放和國家統(tǒng)一，建立起社會主義制度，開創(chuàng)了越南歷史的新紀元。特別是上個世紀80年代中期以來，越南人民在探索符合越南國情的社會主義發(fā)展道路、實行革新事業(yè)上取得了令人矚目的成就。今天的越南，社會政治穩(wěn)定，經(jīng)濟文化發(fā)展，人民安居樂業(yè)，國際地位提高，呈現(xiàn)出欣欣向榮的景象。中國黨、政府、人民為越南黨、政府、人民取得的成就感到由衷的高興，相信在越南共產(chǎn)黨領導下，越南人民一定能夠把自己的國家建設成為民富國強、社會公平、民主、文明的社會主義現(xiàn)代化工業(yè)國家。
同志們、朋友們！
作為親密的同志，正像我們十分關(guān)注越南發(fā)展的情況一樣，在座各位越南同志也關(guān)心中國發(fā)展的情況。在這里，我想向各位做扼要的介紹，以利于雙方加強治黨治國經(jīng)驗的交流。
今年，是中國共產(chǎn)黨建立84周年、中華人民共和國成立56周年、中國實行改革開放27周年。長期以來，在中國共產(chǎn)黨領導下，中國人民堅持以馬克思列寧主義、毛澤東思想、鄧小平理論和"三個代表"重要思想為指導，堅持獨立自主、改革開放、與時俱進，不斷完善社會主義制度，不斷探索和發(fā)展中國特色社會主義事業(yè)，使中國的面貌發(fā)生了天翻地覆的變化，社會生產(chǎn)力、綜合國力和人民生活水平不斷提高。從1978年到__年的26年間，中國國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值從1473億美元增長到16494億美元，年均增長9.4%；進出口總額從206億美元增長到11548億美元，年均增長超過16%。__年底，中國累計實際利用外商直接投資額達到5621億美元。今年1月至9月，中國經(jīng)濟繼續(xù)平穩(wěn)較快發(fā)展，國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值達到12897億美元，同比增長9.4%；進出口總額達到10245億美元，同比增長23.7%。中國所以能夠發(fā)生這樣巨大的變化，關(guān)鍵是我們找到了建設中國特色社會主義這條適合中國國情的發(fā)展道路。
同時，我們也清醒地看到，中國仍是世界上最大的發(fā)展中國家，人口多、底子薄，發(fā)展很不平衡，在發(fā)展進程中還面臨著不少突出的矛盾和問題。要實現(xiàn)全面建設小康社會的目標，需要我們繼續(xù)付出艱苦的努力。
中國共產(chǎn)黨第十六次全國代表大會提出了在本世紀頭20年集中力量全面建設惠及十幾億人口的更高水平的小康社會的目標。這個目標，具體說來，就是要使中國國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值到2024年比__年翻兩番，達到40000億美元左右，人均達到3000美元左右，使經(jīng)濟更加發(fā)展、民主更加健全、科教更加進步、文化更加繁榮、社會更加和諧、人民生活更加殷實。前不久，中國共產(chǎn)黨召開了__屆五中全會，審議通過了關(guān)于制定"__"時期中國國民經(jīng)濟和社會發(fā)展規(guī)劃的建議，提出了中國"__"時期經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展的指導思想、重要原則、主要任務和重大舉措。中國各族人民正在為實現(xiàn)全面建設小康社會的宏偉目標而奮斗。
在實踐中我們認識到，要實現(xiàn)中國經(jīng)濟社會又快又好發(fā)展，必須落實好以下幾個方面的工作。
第一，要堅持以科學發(fā)展觀統(tǒng)領經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展全局。要順利推進改革開放，實現(xiàn)中國經(jīng)濟社會持續(xù)快速協(xié)調(diào)健康發(fā)展，關(guān)鍵是要牢固樹立和全面落實以人為本、全面協(xié)調(diào)可持續(xù)的科學發(fā)展觀，把科學發(fā)展觀貫穿于經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展的全過程，落實到經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展的各個環(huán)節(jié)。我們既要堅定不移地推進發(fā)展，又要堅持科學發(fā)展。要統(tǒng)籌城鄉(xiāng)發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌區(qū)域發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌人與自然和諧發(fā)展，統(tǒng)籌國內(nèi)發(fā)展和對外開放，走科技含量高、經(jīng)濟效益好、資源消耗低、環(huán)境污染少、人力資源優(yōu)勢得到充分發(fā)揮的新型工業(yè)化道路，實現(xiàn)生產(chǎn)發(fā)展、生活富裕、生態(tài)良好。我們強調(diào)以人為本，就是要堅持發(fā)展為了人民、發(fā)展依靠人民、發(fā)展成果由人民共享，堅持人民群眾在建設中國特色社會主義事業(yè)中的主體地位，堅持把改善人民生活作為經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展的目的和歸宿，堅持權(quán)為民所用、情為民所系、利為民所謀，切實保障人民群眾的經(jīng)濟、政治、文化權(quán)益，形成全體人民團結(jié)奮斗的強大力量。
第二，要促進社會主義政治文明、精神文明建設與物質(zhì)文明建設協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展。我們強調(diào)，中國特色社會主義是全面發(fā)展的事業(yè)。在推進物質(zhì)文明建設的同時，必須堅持不懈地抓好社會主義政治文明、精神文明建設。要把堅持黨的領導、人民當家作主和依法治國有機統(tǒng)一起來，積極穩(wěn)妥地推進政治體制改革，健全民主制度，擴大公民有序的政治參與，貫徹依法治國的基本方略，建設社會主義法治國家，保證人民依法實行民主選舉、民主決策、民主管理、民主監(jiān)督。要把握社會主義先進文化的前進方向，大力弘揚以愛國主義____民族精神和以改革創(chuàng)新____時代精神，提高全民族的思想道德素質(zhì)和科學文化素質(zhì)，為改革開放和現(xiàn)代化建設提供強大的思想保證、精神動力和智力支持。
第三，要著力構(gòu)建社會主義和諧社會。社會和諧是我們的事業(yè)不斷發(fā)展和取得成功的重要條件。我們所要建設的社會主義和諧社會，是一個民主法治、公平正義、誠信友愛、充滿活力、安定有序、人與自然和諧相處的社會。我們強調(diào)，要從解決群眾最關(guān)心的現(xiàn)實問題入手，積極擴大就業(yè)，加快完善社會保障體系，注重保障貧困人口的基本生活，加大調(diào)節(jié)收入分配的力度，推進社會管理體制創(chuàng)新，正確處理人民內(nèi)部矛盾，妥善協(xié)調(diào)利益關(guān)系，保障人民群眾安居樂業(yè)，扎扎實實推進和諧社會建設。
第四，要大力加強黨的執(zhí)政能力建設和先進性建設。我們黨從自身的執(zhí)政實踐中深刻認識到，執(zhí)政能力建設是黨執(zhí)政后的一項根本建設，黨的先進性建設是馬克思主義政黨保持先進性的根本途徑。要通過加強執(zhí)政能力建設和先進性建設，不斷提高駕馭社會主義市場經(jīng)濟的能力、發(fā)展社會主義民主政治的能力、建設社會主義先進文化的能力、構(gòu)建社會主義和諧社會的能力、應對國際局勢和處理國際事務的能力，使我們黨保持與時俱進的品質(zhì)、始終走在時代前列，不斷提高執(zhí)政能力、鞏固執(zhí)政地位、完成執(zhí)政使命，更好地堅持立黨為公、執(zhí)政為民，更好地實現(xiàn)科學執(zhí)政、民主執(zhí)政、依法執(zhí)政。
同志們、朋友們！
國際形勢正在發(fā)生復雜而深刻的變化。和平與發(fā)展仍然是當今時代的主題，世界多極化和經(jīng)濟全球化的趨勢深入發(fā)展，國際關(guān)系民主化繼續(xù)推進，世界經(jīng)濟保持增長勢頭，科技進步日新月異，國際產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)移和生產(chǎn)要素流動加快，各國經(jīng)濟的相互依存和相互合作不斷加深。這些都給我們帶來了難得的發(fā)展機遇。同時，我們也面臨著嚴峻的挑戰(zhàn)，局部戰(zhàn)爭和沖突時起時伏，南北差距進一步拉大，恐怖勢力、極端勢力、分裂勢力在一些地區(qū)還相當猖獗，環(huán)境污染、毒品走私、跨國犯罪、嚴重傳染性疾病等跨國性問題十分突出。在這種機遇和挑戰(zhàn)并存的國際形勢下，世界各國應該加強合作，把握機遇，應對挑戰(zhàn)，共同為建設一個持久和平、共同繁榮的和諧世界而努力。
中國外交政策的宗旨是維護世界和平、促進共同發(fā)展。中國將高舉和平、發(fā)展、合作的旗幟，堅持獨立自主的和平外交政策，堅定不移地走和平發(fā)展道路，堅持在和平共處五項原則的基礎上同所有國家發(fā)展關(guān)系，同國際社會一道致力于人類和平與發(fā)展的崇高事業(yè)。我們主張，順應歷史潮流，積極促進世界多極化，積極促進經(jīng)濟全球化朝著有利于實現(xiàn)共同繁榮的方向發(fā)展，推動建立公正合理的國際政治經(jīng)濟新秩序；維護世界多樣性，提倡國際關(guān)系民主化和發(fā)展模式多樣化，國家不分大小、強弱、貧富一律平等，支持世界各種文明、不同社會制度和發(fā)展道路在競爭比較中取長補短、在求同存異____同發(fā)展；樹立互信、互利、平等、協(xié)作的新安全觀，通過對話和合作解決爭端，反對訴諸武力或以武力相威脅，反對各種形式的霸權(quán)主義和強權(quán)政治，反對一切形式的恐怖主義。
中國的發(fā)展是和平的發(fā)展、開放的發(fā)展、合作的發(fā)展，既通過爭取和平的國際環(huán)境來發(fā)展自己，又通過自己的發(fā)展來促進世界和平。中國將堅持把擴大內(nèi)需作為經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展的基本立足點和長期戰(zhàn)略方針，同時堅持對外開放的基本國策，實施互利共贏的開放戰(zhàn)略，同世界各國廣泛開展交流合作。中國的發(fā)展不會妨礙任何人，更不會威脅任何人，只會有利于世界的和平、穩(wěn)定、繁榮。
亞洲是我們共同的家園。中國的發(fā)展離不開亞洲，中國的發(fā)展是亞洲振興的重要組成部分。我們歷來主張，亞洲各國應該在政治上和睦相處、經(jīng)濟上互利合作、安全上互信協(xié)作、文化上相互促進。中國將堅定地奉行與鄰為善、以鄰為伴的周邊外交方針和睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰的周邊外交政策
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尊敬的德里隆參議長，尊敬的德貝內(nèi)西亞眾議長，各位議員，女士們，先生們，朋友們：
菲律賓是中國的友好鄰邦。中國人民對勤勞智慧的菲律賓人民一向懷有深厚的感情。首先，我愿借這個莊嚴的講臺，向菲律賓人民轉(zhuǎn)達中國人民的誠摯問候和良好祝愿。
中國和菲律賓一水相隔、比鄰而居，兩國人民的傳統(tǒng)友誼源遠流長。早在1000多年前，中菲兩國就開始貿(mào)易往來。500多年前，蘇祿國王帶著菲律賓人民的美好愿望踏上前往中國的友誼之路，在中菲友好史上留下了膾炙人口的佳話。100多年前，中國沿海許多居民漂洋過海來到菲律賓，同當?shù)厝嗣窈湍老嗵帯⑿萜菖c共，結(jié)下了兄弟般的深厚友情。中菲友誼經(jīng)受住了時間和歷史的考驗，已成為兩國人民共同擁有的寶貴財富。
今年是中菲建交30周年，值得我們兩國和兩國人民共同紀念。我高興地看到，在雙方共同努力下，中菲關(guān)系取得了長足發(fā)展，政治互信明顯增強，經(jīng)貿(mào)合作成果顯著，文化交流日益密切，人員往來大幅增加。中菲兩國在南海共同開發(fā)方面率先取得突破性進展，為使南海成為友誼之海、合作之海邁出了難能可貴的一步。正如阿羅約總統(tǒng)所說，中菲關(guān)系正處在發(fā)展的黃金時期。我完全贊同她的這一看法。我們一致同意，在兩國和兩國人民長期友好的基礎上，積極建立中菲致力于和平與發(fā)展的戰(zhàn)略性合作關(guān)系。
中菲建交30年的實踐表明，政治互信是中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展的重要基礎，互利合作是中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展的強大動力，維護和平、共同發(fā)展是中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展的戰(zhàn)略方向。兩國應該加強各層次、各領域的人員交流，特別是保持政府、議會、政黨領導人的互訪和交往，弘揚中菲傳統(tǒng)友誼，不斷增進相互了解和信任。
中菲都是發(fā)展中國家，發(fā)展經(jīng)濟是我們兩國的首要任務。加強互利合作，不僅是中菲兩國自身發(fā)展的需要，而且有利于拓展兩國的共同利益，為中菲關(guān)系發(fā)展源源不斷地注入強大動力。近年來，中菲經(jīng)貿(mào)合作取得的成果表明，兩國經(jīng)濟互補性很強，合作潛力巨大。雙方應該充分發(fā)揮各自優(yōu)勢，進一步擴大貿(mào)易合作，加強在農(nóng)業(yè)、漁業(yè)、基礎設施建設、礦產(chǎn)資源開發(fā)、旅游等領域的合作，努力將中菲經(jīng)貿(mào)合作推向更高水平。
回顧過去，中菲關(guān)系碩果累累；展望未來，中菲合作大有可為。我們愿同菲律賓各界朋友一道，承前啟后，繼往開來，共同開創(chuàng)中菲關(guān)系更加美好的明天。
女士們、先生們！
中菲都地處亞洲，亞洲是我們共同的家園，亞洲的興盛關(guān)系到我們的共同命運。亞洲國家在維護地區(qū)和平、促進共同發(fā)展方面有著廣泛共識，這決定了本地區(qū)國家間關(guān)系總體上是穩(wěn)定的，協(xié)調(diào)和合作已成為多數(shù)國家的政策取向。當然，我們也要看到，恐怖主義、分裂主義和宗教極端勢力仍然是威脅亞洲地區(qū)和平穩(wěn)定的不確定因素，發(fā)展不平衡、貧困、傳染性疾病等問題仍然使亞洲經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展面臨嚴峻的挑戰(zhàn)。
發(fā)展是亞洲的首要任務。歷史上，亞洲人民百折不撓，為謀求發(fā)展進行了不懈努力。近年來，亞洲人民用自己的雙手，憑借勤勞智慧和頑強意志，克服了亞洲金融危機、非典疫病等的嚴重沖擊，經(jīng)濟恢復迅速，增長勢頭強勁。目前，亞洲經(jīng)濟總量已占全球的四分之一，貿(mào)易額占全球的三分之一，繼續(xù)是全球富有強大發(fā)展活力和潛力的地區(qū)。
合作是亞洲的主流。在經(jīng)濟全球化和區(qū)域一體化的趨勢深入發(fā)展的進程中，亞洲各國更加深刻地認識到合作的重要性。亞洲區(qū)域合作方興未艾，從東盟、南盟到10+1、10+3、亞洲合作對話等一系列合作機制的形成表明，以合作求發(fā)展，以合作促繁榮，已成為亞洲國家的共同目標，也為亞洲發(fā)展展示了更加廣闊的前景。
女士們、先生們！
27年前，在鄧小平先生領導下，中國開始了改革開放的偉大進程，走上建設中國特色社會主義道路。27年來，中國人民在物質(zhì)文明、政治文明、精神文明建設方面都取得了世所公認的成就，中國發(fā)生了歷史上最為深刻的變化。從1978年到__年，中國國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值從1473億美元增長到16494億美元，年均增長9.4%；進出口總額從206億美元增長到11548億美元，上升為世界第三位，年均增長超過16%。農(nóng)村貧困人口從2.5億人減少到2600萬人。全面建設小康社會是中國到2024年的奮斗目標。我們準備再用__年時間，把國內(nèi)生產(chǎn)總值提高到40000億美元左右，人均提高到3000美元左右，使經(jīng)濟更加繁榮、民主更加健全、科教更加進步、文化更加繁榮、社會更加和諧、人民生活更加殷實。
中國的快速發(fā)展不僅改善了13億中國人民的生活，也為中國擴大同世界各國特別是周邊國家的合作創(chuàng)造了重要機遇。中國經(jīng)濟發(fā)展為東亞經(jīng)濟提供了一個最為強勁的引擎，也為周邊國家提供了一個增長最快的出口市場。近年來，中國和東盟的年貿(mào)易額一直保持著近30%的增長速度，__年雙方貿(mào)易額達到1059億美元。隨著中國－東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)建設的不斷推進，我們完全有信心在__年前實現(xiàn)中國和東盟年貿(mào)易額達到__億美元的目標。
中國一貫致力于促進本地區(qū)的和平、穩(wěn)定、繁榮。在應對亞洲金融危機的過程中，中國堅持人民幣幣值穩(wěn)定，為亞洲國家最終戰(zhàn)勝危機盡了自己的責任。在抗擊非典疫病的過程中，中國和東盟國家風雨同舟、共度時艱。在應對印度洋地震海嘯災難的過程中，中國政府和人民同受災國政府和人民心心相系、患難與共，開展了中國政府迄今為止最大規(guī)模的對外救援行動。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
親仁善鄰，是中國千年傳承的優(yōu)良傳統(tǒng)。中國政府將繼續(xù)奉行"與鄰為善、以鄰為伴"的周邊外交方針和"睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰"的周邊外交政策，堅定不移地發(fā)展同包括東盟國家在內(nèi)的周邊國家長期穩(wěn)定的友好合作關(guān)系。
我們高興地看到，中國－東盟面向和平與繁榮的戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系發(fā)展勢頭很好，政治互信明顯增強，合作水平不斷提升。去年底舉行的中國和東盟領導人會議，通過了落實中國－東盟面向和平與繁榮的戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系聯(lián)合宣言的行動計劃，對雙方在各領域的合作作出了詳細規(guī)劃。這對充實中國－東盟戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系具有重要意義。中國愿同東盟一道積極落實行動計劃，推動雙方關(guān)系更加全面、系統(tǒng)、規(guī)范、務實地向前發(fā)展。
中國和東盟將于今年7月全面啟動關(guān)稅降稅進程，這標志著中國－東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)建設進入了一個新的發(fā)展階段。中方愿同東盟國家一道繼續(xù)努力，確保自由貿(mào)易區(qū)如期建成。我們也希望同東盟國家充分發(fā)揮各自優(yōu)勢，積極推進在農(nóng)業(yè)、漁業(yè)、基礎設施建設、能源和資源開發(fā)、旅游等領域的合作。中國政府將繼續(xù)鼓勵中國企業(yè)前往東盟國家投資興業(yè)，積極參加東盟東部增長區(qū)建設。
中國堅持獨立自主的和平外交政策，堅持走和平發(fā)展的道路，主張樹立互信、互利、平等、協(xié)作的新安全觀，堅持通過對話解決分歧，通過合作促進共同安全。我們支持東盟地區(qū)論壇不斷發(fā)展，希望開展區(qū)域內(nèi)安全戰(zhàn)略對話，并愿同東盟一起落實《南海各方行為宣言》后續(xù)行動，加強雙方在反恐、打擊跨國犯罪、海上安全、衛(wèi)生防疫、防災減災等非傳統(tǒng)安全領域的合作。
東盟決定今年底舉辦首次東亞峰會，這是本地區(qū)合作進程中的一件大事，國際社會廣泛關(guān)注。中國將一如既往地尊重東盟共識，支持東盟在東亞合作進程中繼續(xù)發(fā)揮主導作用，同東盟一道推動首次東亞峰會取得成功。
女士們、先生們、朋友們！
發(fā)展同菲律賓等東盟國家的睦鄰友好合作，實現(xiàn)中國和東盟共同發(fā)展繁榮，是中國政府的既定政策。讓我們攜起手來，把握機遇，開拓創(chuàng)新，為譜寫中菲睦鄰友好合作的新篇章、為開創(chuàng)本地區(qū)更加美好的未來而共同奮斗。
謝謝大家。
