羅斯福英語演講稿模板（6篇范文）

羅斯福英語演講稿 模板1

閱讀小貼士：模板1共計(jì)6442個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)17分鐘。朗讀需要33分鐘，中速朗讀43分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要59分鐘，有211位用戶喜歡。

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people"s freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today"s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation"s hands must not be tied when the nation"s life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

羅斯福英語演講稿 模板2

閱讀小貼士：模板2共計(jì)11629個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)30分鐘。朗讀需要59分鐘，中速朗讀78分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要106分鐘，有252位用戶喜歡。

mr. president, mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word "unprecedented" because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the states -- ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in 48 states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and the strength of the british fleet in the atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. during 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the congress information of the state of the union," i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, and africa and austral-asia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nations win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe -- particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america. as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility, great accountability. the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost e_clusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

secondly, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people"s freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on this line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases -- and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today"s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. and the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. that is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid -- such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation"s hands must not be tied when the nation"s life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment -- the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression -- everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

羅斯福演講稿：四大自由 (中文版)

總統(tǒng)先生，議長(zhǎng)先生，第七_(dá)_屆國會(huì)的成員：

我你的地址，這個(gè)新的國會(huì)議員，在聯(lián)盟的歷史上前所未有的時(shí)刻。我用"空前的"，因?yàn)橐郧皼]有已被視為美國的安全受到嚴(yán)重威脅從沒有像今天。

由于永久性形成了我國政府在憲法中的1789，大部分在我國歷史上危機(jī)時(shí)期國內(nèi)事務(wù)有關(guān)的。而且，幸運(yùn)的是，其中只有一個(gè)——國家之間的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)4年——威脅過我們的民族團(tuán)結(jié)。今天，感謝上帝，130000000的美國人在48個(gè)國家已經(jīng)忘記了指南針在國家的統(tǒng)一。

這是真的，之前的1914美國經(jīng)常被其他大洲事件干擾。我們甚至已經(jīng)與歐洲國家進(jìn)行過兩場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，在西印度群島中一些未宣戰(zhàn)的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，在地中海和太平洋，為維護(hù)美國的權(quán)利以及和平貿(mào)易的原則。但是沒有一個(gè)嚴(yán)重的威脅，提出了對(duì)我們國家的安全和持續(xù)的獨(dú)立性。

我想要說的是，美國作為一個(gè)國家已在所有時(shí)間保持反對(duì)黨——清楚歷史真相，明確反對(duì)——任何企圖把我們鎖在一個(gè)古老的中國墻的后面，而游行的文明到過去。今天，考慮到我們的孩子和他們的孩子，我們反對(duì)強(qiáng)制隔離，為自己或?yàn)槊乐薜钠渌魏尾糠帧?/p>

我們的決心，在過去的這些年，被證明，例如，在早期的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的四分之一世紀(jì)在法國革命之后。雖然拿破侖的斗爭(zhēng)，并威脅到了美國的利益，因?yàn)樵谖饔《热簫u的法國的立足點(diǎn)，在路易斯安那，當(dāng)我們從事1812戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)來維護(hù)我們的和平貿(mào)易的權(quán)利，它仍然是明確的，無論是法國或英國或其他國家都不可能主宰整個(gè)世界。

和喜歡時(shí)尚，從1815到1914——九十九年——沒有一個(gè)單一的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)在歐洲或亞洲的一個(gè)真正的威脅，對(duì)我們未來的或與美國其他民族的未來構(gòu)成。

除了在墨西哥的馬西米蘭的插曲，沒有外國勢(shì)力試圖建立自己在這個(gè)半球。在大西洋的英國艦隊(duì)實(shí)力一直友好的力量;它仍然是一個(gè)友好的力量。

即使世界大戰(zhàn)爆發(fā)于1914，它似乎只包含小的危險(xiǎn)，我們美國的未來。但隨著時(shí)間的推移，我們記得，美國人民開始想象什么民主國家的垮臺(tái)意味著我們自己的民主。

我們不必過分強(qiáng)調(diào)凡爾賽和約的缺陷。我們不需要強(qiáng)調(diào)民主的失敗來解決世界重建問題。我們應(yīng)該記住，1919的和平比綏靖開始甚至在慕尼黑這種不公平的，而且這是正在進(jìn)行的新的專制秩序，尋求遍布各大洲今天下。美國人民堅(jiān)定不移地反對(duì)那種專制。

我想，每一個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)主義者都知道，民主的生活方式在這一刻被直接地在世界的每一個(gè)部分——攻擊或是武器或是秘密的那些試圖破壞團(tuán)結(jié)，促進(jìn)不和在仍處于和平的各國有毒的宣傳。在16個(gè)月的時(shí)間內(nèi)，這種攻擊已涂抹在獨(dú)立的國家數(shù)目驚人的民主生活的整體格局，大的和小的。這些攻擊者還在進(jìn)軍，威脅其他國家，大的和小的。

因此，作為你們的總統(tǒng)，履行憲法賦予我的職責(zé)"給了聯(lián)盟國家的國會(huì)的信息，"我很不幸的是必要的報(bào)告，我們國家的未來和安全以及我們的民主制度是壓倒性的參與遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超出我們的邊境事件。

民主捍衛(wèi)著現(xiàn)在四大洲的人民正在勇敢。如果辯護(hù)失敗，所有的人口與歐洲和亞洲的所有資源，非洲及澳洲將被征服者。讓我們記住這四大洲的人口總數(shù)，總的人口和資源大大超過了人口的總和，西半球的整個(gè)資源——是的，很多次。

在這樣的時(shí)代是不成熟和不真實(shí)的————，順便說一句，任何人吹牛說一個(gè)還沒有準(zhǔn)備好的美國，獨(dú)自用一只手綁在背后，可以控制整個(gè)世界。

任何現(xiàn)實(shí)的美國人都不能期望從一個(gè)獨(dú)裁的和平國際慷慨，或恢復(fù)真正的獨(dú)立，或世界裁軍，或言論自由，或宗教信仰自由——甚至是良好的業(yè)務(wù)。這樣的和平將給我們或者我們的鄰國帶來不安全。那些愿意放棄基本自由來換取一點(diǎn)臨時(shí)安全的人不配享有自由和安全。

作為一個(gè)國家，我們可以在事實(shí)上，我們是仁慈的驕傲;但我們不能成為愚蠢。我們必須永遠(yuǎn)警惕那些敲鑼打鼓宣傳"主義"的綏靖政策。我們必須特別小心那一小撮自私自利的人會(huì)夾美國鷹的翅膀?yàn)榱酥酗査侥摇?/p>

我最近曾指出，現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的節(jié)奏多快能把我們中間的物理攻擊，我們最終必須如果獨(dú)裁國家打贏這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的期望。

我們立即和直接浸潤的免疫多談松飄洋過海。顯然，只要英國海軍保留它的力量，這樣的危險(xiǎn)是不存在的。即使沒有英國海軍，也沒有任何敵人會(huì)蠢到登陸部隊(duì)在美國穿越幾千里的海洋攻擊我們，直到它已獲得了可使用的戰(zhàn)略基地。

但是我們學(xué)到很多來自歐洲的過去幾年的經(jīng)驗(yàn)教訓(xùn)——特別是挪威的教訓(xùn)，他們主要的港口被背叛和驚喜的是建立在一系列的年。這個(gè)半球入侵的第一階段將不定期的軍隊(duì)登陸。該戰(zhàn)略的要點(diǎn)是要通過占領(lǐng)特務(wù)和他們的愚弄——他們中的許多已經(jīng)在這里和拉丁美洲的美國。只要侵略國保持進(jìn)攻他們，不是我們，將選擇的時(shí)間、地點(diǎn)和他們的攻擊方法。

這就是為何美國的將來受到威脅。這就是為什么這一年一度的國會(huì)咨文是我國歷史上獨(dú)一無二的。這就是為什么政府的行政部門和國會(huì)的每位成員都面臨著巨大的責(zé)任，重大的責(zé)任。需要的時(shí)刻，我們的行動(dòng)和我們的政策應(yīng)該是主要的————幾乎專門應(yīng)對(duì)外部的威脅。因?yàn)槲覀兯械膰鴥?nèi)問題，現(xiàn)在是偉大的緊急的一部分。

正如我們?cè)趦?nèi)政方面的國家政策是以尊重的權(quán)利和在我們的大門對(duì)所有同胞的尊嚴(yán)，所以我們?cè)谕饨环矫娴膰艺呤腔谧鹬厮袊业臋?quán)利與尊嚴(yán)，大的和小的。正義的道德將會(huì)獲得最終的勝利。

這是我們的國家政策：

首先，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達(dá)和不考慮黨派之爭(zhēng)，我們致力于全面的國防。

其次，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達(dá)和不考慮黨派之爭(zhēng)，我們致力于所有這些人都是誰堅(jiān)決抵抗侵略從而使戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)遠(yuǎn)離我們的半球的全力支持。通過這種支持我們表達(dá)我們的民主事業(yè)必勝的決心，我們加強(qiáng)我國自身的防務(wù)和安全。

第三，根據(jù)公眾意志的令人印象深刻的表達(dá)和不考慮黨派之爭(zhēng)，我們致力于命題，為了我們自己的安全和道德的考慮原則將不會(huì)允許我們默許和平由侵略者支配、由兩。我們知道，持久和平是不能購買成本的其他人的自由。

在最近的國家選舉中沒有實(shí)質(zhì)性的差異之間的兩大政黨在國家政策上。沒有問題進(jìn)行了這一行之前，美國的選民。今天，很明顯，美國公民都要求和支持快速和完整的明顯的危險(xiǎn)識(shí)別作用。

因此，當(dāng)務(wù)之急是迅速增加我們的軍械生產(chǎn)。工業(yè)和勞工領(lǐng)袖回應(yīng)我們的召喚。速度的目標(biāo)已經(jīng)確定。在某些情況下，這些目標(biāo)是達(dá)到提前。在某些情況下，我們按計(jì)劃;在其他情況下，有輕微的滯后但不嚴(yán)重。在一些情況下——，我很抱歉，非常重要的方面——我們所有的計(jì)劃完成的慢度有關(guān)。

陸軍和海軍，然而，在過去一年取得了巨大的進(jìn)步。實(shí)際經(jīng)驗(yàn)是改進(jìn)和加快生產(chǎn)方式與我們每一天。今天最好的不夠好，明天。

我不滿意迄今取得的進(jìn)展。項(xiàng)目的負(fù)責(zé)人是最好的訓(xùn)練，能力，和愛國主義。他們不滿意迄今取得的進(jìn)展。沒有人會(huì)滿意直到任務(wù)完成。

不論最初的目標(biāo)定得太高或太低，我們的目標(biāo)是更快，更好的結(jié)果。

給你兩個(gè)插圖：

我們的進(jìn)度落后生產(chǎn)出成品的飛機(jī)。我們正在夜以繼日地工作，為了解決無數(shù)的問題，趕上。

我們?cè)诮④娕炋崆?，但我們的工作也得到了進(jìn)一步的計(jì)劃。

要改變整個(gè)國家的和平與戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)的生產(chǎn)基礎(chǔ)實(shí)施平時(shí)生產(chǎn)的基礎(chǔ)是不小的任務(wù)。和最大的困難是在程序開始時(shí)，新工具，新的工廠設(shè)施，新的裝配線，新船臺(tái)首先必須構(gòu)建實(shí)際材料開始流動(dòng)穩(wěn)步前迅速從他們。

當(dāng)然，國會(huì)，必須時(shí)刻知曉的計(jì)劃進(jìn)度。然而，有一定的信息，作為國會(huì)也能夠認(rèn)識(shí)到，其中，在我們自己的安全和利益的國家，我們支持，必須要保密。

新情況不斷帶來新的需要為我們的安全。我將要求國會(huì)大量增加新的撥款和授權(quán)繼續(xù)進(jìn)行我們已經(jīng)開始。

我還要求國會(huì)權(quán)威和足夠的資金來制造更多的子彈和各種戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)物資，對(duì)這些國家現(xiàn)在的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是侵略與實(shí)際國家。我們最有效和最直接的作用是作為他們的一個(gè)阿森納和我們自己。他們不需要人力，但他們需要數(shù)十億美元的國防武器。

不久之后他們將無法用現(xiàn)金償還。我們不能，我們不會(huì)，告訴他們必須投降只是因?yàn)樗麄儫o力支付的武器，我們知道他們必須擁有。

我不建議我們讓他們的美元貸款，用以支付這些武器——要償還的貸款。我建議我們可以使那些國家繼續(xù)在美國獲得戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)物資，擬合其命令為我們自己的計(jì)劃。而幾乎所有的材料，如果時(shí)間來過，有利于我們自己的防衛(wèi)。

以咨詢軍事專家們，考慮什么是最適合我們自己的安全，我們可以自由地決定多少應(yīng)保持在這里，多少應(yīng)該送到國外對(duì)我們的朋友，他們的決心和英勇的抵抗，給我們的時(shí)間來使自己的防御準(zhǔn)備。

我們送出國我們應(yīng)當(dāng)償還，償還在合理的時(shí)間后，敵對(duì)的接近，類似的材料償還，或在我們的選擇的其他各種物質(zhì)可以產(chǎn)生我們需要的。

讓我們說："我們美國人的民主自由在你的防御非常關(guān)注。我們將提出我們的精力，我們的資源，我們的組織能力，給你力量恢復(fù)和維持一個(gè)自由的世界。我們要把你的數(shù)量在不斷增加，船舶，飛機(jī)，坦克，大炮。這是我們的目標(biāo)和承諾。"

為了實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)目標(biāo)，我們不會(huì)被嚇倒的獨(dú)裁的威脅，他們將之視為違反國際法或作為民主國家哪敢反抗侵略的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)我們的援助法案。這樣的援助——這樣的援助不是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)行為，即使一個(gè)獨(dú)裁應(yīng)該單方面的這樣做。

當(dāng)獨(dú)裁們——如果獨(dú)裁——準(zhǔn)備向我們開戰(zhàn)，他們不會(huì)等待我們的行動(dòng)的一部分戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

他們并不等待挪威和比利時(shí)和荷蘭來的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。他們唯一感興趣的是一個(gè)新的單向國際法，而它的慣例不相關(guān)，因此成為壓迫的工具。未來幾代美國人的幸福取決于我們?nèi)绾斡行Ф杆俚厥刮覀兊脑械?。沒有人能告訴怎樣的緊急情況，我們可能會(huì)被要求滿足。國家的手不得在國家命脈垂危的時(shí)候，把。

是的，我們必須做好準(zhǔn)備，我們所有的準(zhǔn)備，作出犧牲，緊急——幾乎和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身一樣嚴(yán)重的——要求。無論站在這樣的速度和效率，在防守方面，任何形式的防御準(zhǔn)備，必須讓國家的需要。

一個(gè)自由的國家有權(quán)要求所有團(tuán)體充分合作。一個(gè)自由的國家有權(quán)期望商界領(lǐng)袖的勞動(dòng)力，農(nóng)業(yè)，并帶頭努力，但不是在其他群體自己組內(nèi)的。

處理在我們中間的那些懶鬼和麻煩制造者的最好方法是，首先，用愛國的例子去羞辱他們，如果失敗，使用政府主權(quán)政府的拯救。

正如人不能單靠面包生活，他們不光靠武器戰(zhàn)斗。我們這些人誰的抗辯和防御背后誰建立我們必須有毅力和勇氣來自不可動(dòng)搖的信念在他們正在保衛(wèi)的生活方式。我們呼吁不能基于無視所有的強(qiáng)有力的行動(dòng)。

國家非常滿意和強(qiáng)度已經(jīng)完成，讓人民意識(shí)到在美國的民主生活的保存他們的個(gè)人利益的事情。那些人纖維增韌的，革新了他們的信心，增強(qiáng)了他們對(duì)所要保護(hù)的。

當(dāng)然，這是沒有時(shí)間為任何人停止有關(guān)的社會(huì)革命，是當(dāng)今世界上最高的因素造成的社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)問題的思考。有關(guān)于健康和強(qiáng)大的民主國家的基礎(chǔ)沒有什么神秘的。

最基本的東西，他們預(yù)期到我們的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)中的人都是簡(jiǎn)單的。他們是：

青年平等機(jī)會(huì)和別人。

對(duì)于那些能夠工作的工作。

對(duì)于那些需要它的安全。

為結(jié)束少數(shù)人的特權(quán)。

保護(hù)所有人的公民自由權(quán)。

享受的——更廣泛和不斷上升的生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)享受科學(xué)進(jìn)步的果實(shí)。

這些都是簡(jiǎn)單的，千萬不要在我們這個(gè)混亂和令人難以置信的復(fù)雜的現(xiàn)代世界失去了最基本的東西。我國的經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治體制的內(nèi)在和持久的力量，取決于他們?cè)诤畏N程度上滿足這些期望。

許多人與我國社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)需要立即改善。為例：

我們應(yīng)該讓更多的公民的養(yǎng)老和失業(yè)保險(xiǎn)的覆蓋下。

我們應(yīng)該擴(kuò)大醫(yī)療保險(xiǎn)的機(jī)會(huì)。

我們應(yīng)該計(jì)劃一個(gè)更好的系統(tǒng)，哪些人值得或需要有報(bào)酬的工作可以得到它。

我已經(jīng)要求個(gè)人犧牲，我放心，幾乎所有的美國人響應(yīng)號(hào)召的意愿。犧牲部分的方式繳納更多的稅款。在我的預(yù)算案的消息，我會(huì)建議這個(gè)偉大的防御計(jì)劃更大的部分是由稅收支付，比我們今天所支付的。沒有人應(yīng)該嘗試，或可以致富的計(jì)劃，并與支付能力按照納稅原則應(yīng)當(dāng)繼續(xù)指導(dǎo)著我們的立法。

如果國會(huì)認(rèn)為這些原則的選民，把愛國主義前面口袋，將給你掌聲。

在未來的日子里，我們力求安定，我們期待一個(gè)建立在四項(xiàng)人類基本自由的世界。

第一是言論和表達(dá)的自由——在世界各地。

第二是每個(gè)人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由——在世界各地。

第三是免于匱乏的自由，其中，翻譯成世界經(jīng)濟(jì)的理解，這將確保每一個(gè)國家的居民健康的和平生活——在世界各地。

第四是免于恐懼的自由，其中，從全球的角度說，意味著世界范圍的裁軍是如此徹底的方式，沒有一個(gè)國家有能力做任何鄰居的身體攻擊行為——在世界任何地方。

這不是幻想中的一個(gè)遙遠(yuǎn)的千年。這是我們自己的時(shí)間和產(chǎn)生一種世界達(dá)到一定的基礎(chǔ)。這種世界的所謂"新秩序"的對(duì)立面專制獨(dú)裁企圖用炸彈的威力創(chuàng)造。

這一新的訂單我們反對(duì)偉大的觀念——道德秩序。一個(gè)好的社會(huì)計(jì)劃能夠面對(duì)世界統(tǒng)治和外國革命而無所畏懼。

美國有史以來我們一直在變化，在一個(gè)永久的和平革命，這場(chǎng)革命，穩(wěn)步地，悄悄地，適應(yīng)變化中的情況沒有集中營或生石灰溝。我們所尋求的世界秩序，是自由國家之間的合作，共同在一個(gè)友好的工作，文明社會(huì)。

這個(gè)國家把它的命運(yùn)掌握在手和頭的千百萬自由男女的心中，并在其自由信仰的神指導(dǎo)下。自由意味著任何地方人權(quán)至上。我們支持那些奮斗爭(zhēng)取這些權(quán)利，讓他們。我們的優(yōu)勢(shì)在于我們目標(biāo)一致。

那個(gè)高的概念可以有沒有盡頭的勝利。

羅斯福英語演講稿 模板3

閱讀小貼士：模板3共計(jì)13577個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)34分鐘。朗讀需要68分鐘，中速朗讀91分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要124分鐘，有274位用戶喜歡。

my friends:

this is not a fireside chat on war. it is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your president is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of american independence, and all of the things that american independence means to you and to me and to ours.

tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. it was a time when the wheels of american industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. i well remember that while i sat in my study in the white house, preparing to talk with the people of the united states, i had before my eyes the picture of all those americans with whom i was talking. i saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life"s savings. i tried to convey to the great mass of american people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

tonight, i want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces america. we met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. we face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. never before since jamestown and plymouth rock has our american civilization been in such danger as now. for on september 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in berlin, three powerful nations, two in europe and one in asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the united states of america interfered with or blocked the e_pansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the united states.

the nazi masters of germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of europe, and then to use the resources of europe to dominate the rest of the world. it was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "there are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." and then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "others are correct when they say: "with this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.""" i can beat any other power in the world." so said the leader of the nazis.

in other words, the a_is not merely admits but the a_is proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. in view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the united states has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.

at this moment the forces of the states that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. the germans and the italians are being blocked on the other side of the atlantic by the british and by the greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. in asia the japanese are being engaged by the chinese nation in another great defense. in the pacific ocean is our fleet.

some of our people like to believe that wars in europe and in asia are of no concern to us. but it is a matter of most vital concern to us that european and asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. one hundred and seventeen years ago the monroe doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in continental europe. thereafter, we stood guard in the atlantic, with the british as neighbors. there was no treaty. there was no "unwritten agreement." and yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. and the fact is that during the whole of this time the western hemisphere has remained free from aggression from europe or from asia.

does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the americas while a free britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the atlantic? and does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the a_is powers were our neighbors there? if great britain goes down, the a_is powers will control the continents of europe, asia, africa, austral-asia, and the high seas. and they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. it is no e_aggeration to say that all of us in all the americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with e_plosive bullets, economic as well as military. we should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. and to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.

some of us like to believe that even if britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad e_panse of the atlantic and of the pacific. but the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. at one point between africa and brazil the distance is less than it is from washington to denver, colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. and at the north end of the pacific ocean, america and asia almost touch each other. why, even today we have planes that could fly from the british isles to new england and back again without refueling. and remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

during the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. almost all of them e_pressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. one telegram, however, e_pressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil e_ists. that telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our american cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this western hemisphere. the gist of that telegram was: "please, mr. president, don"t frighten us by telling us the facts." frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. but we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

some nations of europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with germany. other nations were assured by germany that they need never fear invasion. nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour"s notice -- or even without any notice at all. as an e_iled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "the notice was a minus quantity. it was given to my government two hours after german troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." the fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a nazi gun.

the nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. one of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the e_cuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. for e_ample, germany has said that she was occupying belgium to save the belgians from the british. would she then hesitate to say to any south american country: "we are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the united states"? belgium today is being used as an invasion base against britain, now fighting for its life. and any south american country, in nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for german attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to germany if the nazis won. could ireland hold out? would irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet e_ception in an unfree world? or the islands of the azores, which still fly the flag of portugal after five centuries? you and i think of hawaii as an outpost of defense in the pacific. and yet the azores are closer to our shores in the atlantic than hawaii is on the other side.

there are those who say that the a_is powers would never have any desire to attack the western hemisphere. that is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. the plain facts are that the nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. and most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this american hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.

let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. they seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. they try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. they try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. they are active in every group that promotes intolerance. they e_ploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. these trouble-breeders have but one purpose. it is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.

there are also american citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. i do not charge these american citizens with being foreign agents. but i do charge them with doing e_actly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the united states. these people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. some of them go much further than that. they say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the a_is powers. some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. but americans never can and never will do that.

the e_perience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the nazis. no man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. there can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. there can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. we know now that a nation can have peace with the nazis only at the price of total surrender. even the people of italy have been forced to become accomplices of the nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.

the american appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of austria, czechoslovakia, poland, norway, belgium, the netherlands, denmark, and france. they tell you that the a_is powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the united states might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. they call it a "negotiated peace." nonsense! is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of e_termination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? for such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. it would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. and in these contests the americas would offer the only real resistance to the a_is power. with all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of god in chains.

the history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. they may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. in that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. the proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a united states of europe or a united states of asia. it is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. it is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. it is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.

the british people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, i make the direct statement to the american people that there is far less chance of the united states getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the a_is than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an a_is victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.

if we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. but i deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that i advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.

the people of europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. they ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.

let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. it will never be earlier. tomorrow will be later than today.

certain facts are self-evident.

in a military sense great britain and the british empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. and they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. there is no demand for sending an american e_peditionary force outside our own borders. there is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. you can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to europe as deliberate untruth. our national policy is not directed toward war. its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.

democracy"s fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the united states and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. and it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for sweden, russia, and other nations near germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into germany every day in the week.

we are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. this is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. it is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military e_perts who are in close touch with e_isting warfare. these military and naval e_perts and the members of the congress and the administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the united states.

this nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. and this great effort requires great sacrifice. i would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. the strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. if our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.

as the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to e_pect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. the worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. for the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. the nation e_pects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. it e_pects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. and on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.

nine days ago i announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. the appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated e_ecutive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of america. they have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. in this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. and i am very thankful.

american industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.

but all of our present efforts are not enough. we must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. and this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." this job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the e_isting productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. the possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. and after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country"s peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. no pessimistic policy about the future of america shall delay the immediate e_pansion of those industries essential to defense. we need them.

i want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. we have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. i am confident that if and when production of consumer or lu_ury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.

so i appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. with this appeal i give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted e_tent to the great task that lies ahead.

as planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense e_perts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. the decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.

we must be the great arsenal of democracy.

for us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. we must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.

we have furnished the british great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. there will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid great britain. no dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. the british have received invaluable military support from the heroic greek army and from the forces of all the governments in e_ile. their strength is growing. it is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.

i believe that the a_is powers are not going to win this war. i base that belief on the latest and best of information.

we have no e_cuse for defeatism. we have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. i have the profound conviction that the american people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.

美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福演講稿：

我的朋友們：

這不是戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的爐邊談話。這是關(guān)于國家安全的講話;因?yàn)槟銈兊目偨y(tǒng)的目的，關(guān)鍵是要保持現(xiàn)在的你，和你的孩子后，你的孫子要晚得多，從最后的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)來維護(hù)美國的獨(dú)立，和所有的事情，美國的獨(dú)立性意味著你和我，我們的。

今晚，面對(duì)世界性危機(jī)，我的思緒又回到了八年前的一個(gè)晚上的國內(nèi)危機(jī)之中。當(dāng)時(shí)的美國工業(yè)的車輪被磨到完全停止時(shí)，我們整個(gè)國家的銀行體系已停止功能。我清楚地記得，當(dāng)我坐在我的研究在白宮，準(zhǔn)備在美國的人的談話中，我曾在我的眼前所有美國人的圖片的人我是說。我看到工人們?cè)诿谞査?，礦山，工廠，柜臺(tái)后面的女孩，小掌柜，農(nóng)民做他的春耕，寡婦和老男人不知道自己一生的積蓄。我試圖傳達(dá)給美國人民銀行危機(jī)對(duì)他們意味著什么在他們的日常生活，大眾。

今晚，我想做同樣的事情，與相同的人，在這個(gè)新的危機(jī)，面臨美國。我們遇到了1933的勇氣和現(xiàn)實(shí)問題。我們面臨新的危機(jī)，這對(duì)我們國家安全的新威脅，以同樣的勇氣和現(xiàn)實(shí)主義。以前從來沒有從詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯搖滾我們的美國文明現(xiàn)在是危險(xiǎn)。在今年的1940年9月27日————在柏林簽署了一項(xiàng)協(xié)議，三個(gè)強(qiáng)大的國家，兩個(gè)在歐洲和亞洲，連接起來的威脅，如果美國對(duì)美國的干擾或阻止這三個(gè)國家的擴(kuò)張計(jì)劃——一項(xiàng)旨在控制世界——他們會(huì)團(tuán)結(jié)在最終的行動(dòng)反對(duì)美國。

納粹德國的主子們明確表示，他們打算不僅主宰一切的生活和他們自己國家的思想，但也使整個(gè)歐洲，然后利用歐洲的資源來統(tǒng)治世界。它只有三個(gè)星期前，他們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人說："有兩個(gè)世界，反對(duì)對(duì)方。"然后在挑釁的回答他的對(duì)手，他說："別人都正確時(shí)，他們說："這個(gè)世界上我們永遠(yuǎn)無法調(diào)和自己。""我可以擊敗任何其他權(quán)力在世界上。"納粹的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人這樣說。

換句話說，軸不僅僅承認(rèn)，但軸宣稱，最終沒有可和平之間的哲學(xué)——他們的哲學(xué)的政府——和我們的政府理念。在這個(gè)不可否認(rèn)的威脅的性質(zhì)來看，可以說，正確和絕對(duì)，認(rèn)為美國沒有任何權(quán)利或理由鼓勵(lì)談?wù)摵推街钡奖禺?dāng)有對(duì)侵略國部分明確意圖放棄所有的控制或征服世界的思想。

作為美國總統(tǒng)，我呼吁國家的努力。我叫它在這個(gè)國家，我們的愛和尊敬，我們很榮幸和驕傲的服務(wù)名稱。我號(hào)召我們的人民有絕對(duì)的信心，我們共同的事業(yè)將極大的成功。

在這一時(shí)刻，所有人都聯(lián)合起來反對(duì)自由生活正在舉行遠(yuǎn)離海岸的美國軍隊(duì)。德國人和意大利人被封鎖在大西洋彼岸的英國，由希臘人，以及數(shù)以千計(jì)的士兵和水手得以逃脫被征服的國家。在亞洲，日本正被另一個(gè)偉大的中華民族從事國防。在太平洋艦隊(duì)。

我們中的一些人認(rèn)為，戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)在歐洲和亞洲，我們都不關(guān)心。但這是一個(gè)最重要的關(guān)注，美國，歐洲和亞洲的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)者不應(yīng)獲得導(dǎo)致這個(gè)半球海洋控制。一百一十七年前，夢(mèng)露主義的構(gòu)思是由我國政府在威脅這個(gè)半球的聯(lián)盟在歐洲大陸面臨的防御措施。此后，我們守在大西洋，與英國的鄰居。沒有條約。沒有不成文的協(xié)議。"但有感覺，被歷史證明是正確的，我們的鄰居會(huì)在和平的方式解決爭(zhēng)議。而事實(shí)上，此時(shí)的西半球始終沒有來自歐洲和亞洲的侵略的整個(gè)期間。

有沒有人真的相信，我們需要擔(dān)心的攻擊在美洲任何地方而自由英國仍然是我們最強(qiáng)大的海軍在大西洋的鄰居?有人相信，在另一方面，我們可以放心如果軸心國是我們的鄰居那里嗎?如果英國下山，軸心國將控制歐洲大陸，亞洲，非洲，亞洲和南半球，公海。他們將在一個(gè)位置，帶來了巨大的軍事和海軍資源對(duì)這個(gè)半球。毫不夸張地說，在所有美洲我們都將生活在槍口——槍裝滿炸藥的子彈，經(jīng)濟(jì)以及軍事。我們要進(jìn)入這整個(gè)世界的一個(gè)新的和可怕的時(shí)代，我們的大腦半球在內(nèi)，將由武力威脅。而在這樣一個(gè)世界生存下去，我們必須改變自己的永久戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)上軍國主義的力量。

我們中的一些人認(rèn)為，即使英國的瀑布，我們?nèi)匀皇前踩模驗(yàn)楹棋拇笪餮蠛吞窖?。但這些海洋寬度不在三桅帆船的日子是什么。在一個(gè)點(diǎn)在非洲和巴西之間的距離是小于它是從華盛頓到丹佛，科羅拉多州，為轟炸機(jī)的最新型的五小時(shí)。在太平洋的北端，美國和亞洲幾乎相互接觸。為什么，甚至今天我們能飛的飛機(jī)從英國到新英格蘭再不加油。記住：現(xiàn)代轟炸機(jī)范圍日益增加。

在過去的一周在全國各地有很多人告訴我，他們希望我說今晚。幾乎所有的人都表達(dá)了一個(gè)勇敢的渴望聽到有關(guān)形勢(shì)的嚴(yán)峻事實(shí)。然而一封電報(bào)，表達(dá)，誰想要非禮勿視、非禮勿聽少數(shù)的態(tài)度，即使他們?cè)谛睦镏?，邪惡的存在。那封電?bào)請(qǐng)求我不要告訴了我們與緩解美國城市可以被任何敵對(duì)勢(shì)力已經(jīng)在這個(gè)西半球獲得基地轟炸。這封電報(bào)大意是："請(qǐng)你，總統(tǒng)先生，不要嚇唬我們告訴我們的事實(shí)。"老實(shí)說，肯定是前面有危險(xiǎn)——危險(xiǎn)對(duì)我們必須做好準(zhǔn)備。但我們知道，我們不能逃避危險(xiǎn)，或?qū)ξｋU(xiǎn)的恐懼，爬行到床上，把被子蒙住頭。

歐洲一些國家的不干涉協(xié)定莊嚴(yán)德國束縛。其他國家是德國的保證永遠(yuǎn)不必?fù)?dān)憂入侵。不干涉協(xié)定或不，事實(shí)上，他們被攻擊，超限，扔到現(xiàn)代奴隸制一小時(shí)通知——甚至沒有注意到這一切。作為一個(gè)流亡領(lǐng)袖之一，這些國家說一天我，"通知負(fù)量。這是給我的政府后，德國軍隊(duì)已經(jīng)涌入我國一百處兩個(gè)小時(shí)"。這些國家的命運(yùn)告訴我們，生活在納粹的槍口意味著什么。

納粹已經(jīng)由各種虔誠的欺詐行為。一個(gè)騙子是聲稱他們正處在一個(gè)國家為目的的"恢復(fù)秩序"。另一個(gè)原因是，他們占有或控制的國家，他們借口"保護(hù)"對(duì)別人的侵略。例如，德國已經(jīng)表示，她是從英國占領(lǐng)比利時(shí)挽救比利時(shí)。她會(huì)再猶豫說任何南美國家："我們正處在你保護(hù)你免遭美國的侵略?比利時(shí)今天是作為反對(duì)英國侵略基地，現(xiàn)在戰(zhàn)斗的生活。和其他南美國家，在納粹手中，總是會(huì)構(gòu)成一個(gè)跳發(fā)生在這個(gè)半球的其它共和國的任何一個(gè)德國的進(jìn)攻。

你們兩個(gè)其他地方未來的分析更近，如果到德國納粹贏得。就愛爾蘭呢?將愛爾蘭自由被允許在不自由的世界，一個(gè)驚人的寵物例外?或亞速爾群島的島嶼，它還飛葡萄牙國旗經(jīng)過五個(gè)世紀(jì)?你和我認(rèn)為夏威夷是太平洋地區(qū)的防御前哨。然而，亞速爾群島是大西洋更接近我們的海岸到夏威夷的另一邊。

有人說，軸心國，不會(huì)有任何攻擊欲望西半球。那是一廂情愿的破壞了許多被征服民族抵抗力量同樣危險(xiǎn)的形式。簡(jiǎn)單的事實(shí)是，納粹黨已經(jīng)宣布，一次又一次，所有其他種族都是他們的人因此受到他們的命令。最重要的是，廣大富饒的美洲是所有的一輪世界最誘人的戰(zhàn)利品。

讓我們不再盲目的自己，已壓碎破壞和損壞的很多人已經(jīng)在我們自己的大門的邪惡勢(shì)力不可否認(rèn)的事實(shí)。你的政府對(duì)他們很了解，每一天都是找出這些錯(cuò)誤。他們的秘密使者都是我們自己和周邊國家的活動(dòng)。他們?cè)噲D激起猜疑和糾紛，造成內(nèi)亂。他們?cè)噲D把資本和勞動(dòng)，反之亦然。他們?cè)噲D喚醒沉睡的種族和宗教仇恨長(zhǎng)應(yīng)已在這個(gè)國家沒有的地方。他們?cè)诿恳唤M中，促進(jìn)不耐受是活躍的。他們利用自己結(jié)束自己的天然憎惡戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。這些麻煩的飼養(yǎng)者的目的只有一個(gè)。它是把我們的人，把他們分為敵對(duì)的團(tuán)體和破壞我們的團(tuán)結(jié)，粉碎了我們會(huì)為自己辯護(hù)。

也有美國公民，他們中的許多人在高的地方，誰，不知不覺地在大多數(shù)情況下，是協(xié)助及教唆這些藥物的工作。我不收這些美國公民和外國代理人。但我卻指控他們做這樣的工作，獨(dú)裁的人們想在美國做的。這些人不僅相信我們可以通過關(guān)閉我們的眼睛，其他國家的命運(yùn)，拯救我們自己的皮膚。他們中的一些人遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)不止這些。他們說，我們可以而且應(yīng)該成為朋友，甚至是軸心國伙伴。他們中的一些人甚至認(rèn)為我們應(yīng)該效法的獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治的方法。但美國人永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)那樣做。

過去兩年的經(jīng)驗(yàn)已經(jīng)證明，毫無疑問，沒有一個(gè)國家能安撫納粹。沒有人能馴服老虎變成一只小貓撫摸它。對(duì)殘暴行為是不能姑息。有可以用燃燒彈沒有推理。現(xiàn)在我們知道，一個(gè)國家可以與納粹分子只有在徹底投降的代價(jià)的和平。即使意大利人被迫成為納粹同謀;但他們此刻不知道很快他們將接受死亡，他們的盟友。

不管是在美國和奧地利，捷克斯洛伐克，波蘭，挪威，比利時(shí)，命運(yùn)發(fā)現(xiàn)警告荷蘭，丹麥，法國。他們告訴你，軸心國要贏得;世界上所有的流血的事件是可以被挽救的，美國或許也將影響到一個(gè)支配的和平的規(guī)模和得到最好的，我們可以。他們稱之為"和平談判的廢話。"!這是一個(gè)和平談判如果一伙不法之徒包圍你的社區(qū)和滅絕的威脅讓你表示敬意，拯救自己的皮膚?這種支配的和平就沒有和平。它只會(huì)是另一個(gè)停戰(zhàn)，導(dǎo)致整個(gè)歷史中最巨大的軍備競(jìng)賽和最具破壞性的貿(mào)易戰(zhàn)。在這些比賽美洲將軸功率提供的唯一真正的阻力。他們所有的自負(fù)的效率，與他們所有的游行的虔誠的目的在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，仍有其背景中的鏈的集中營里，神的仆人。

近幾年來的歷史證明，槍擊鏈和集中營的不僅僅是短暫的工具，但現(xiàn)代獨(dú)裁統(tǒng)治的祭壇。他們可以說是一個(gè)"新秩序"的世界，但他們心目中只有一個(gè)復(fù)興的最古老和最壞的暴君。在沒有自由，沒有宗教，沒有希望。所提出的"新秩序"是一個(gè)美國的歐洲或美國亞洲恰恰相反。它不是一個(gè)政府基于人民的同意。這不是一個(gè)普通的聯(lián)盟，自尊的男人和女人來保護(hù)自己和自己的自由和尊嚴(yán)的壓迫。這是一個(gè)邪惡聯(lián)盟的權(quán)力和財(cái)富支配和奴役人類。

英國人和他們的盟友，現(xiàn)在正在進(jìn)行積極的對(duì)抗這邪惡聯(lián)盟。我們自己的未來的安全在很大程度上取決于這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)斗的結(jié)果。我們的"不戰(zhàn)"的能力將取決于這個(gè)結(jié)果。思想上的今天和明天，我將直接聲明美國人民有更少的機(jī)會(huì)，美國進(jìn)入戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，如果我們所做的一切都是我們現(xiàn)在可以支持國家保衛(wèi)自己免受攻擊的軸比如果我們接受他們的失敗，提交馴順的軸線的勝利，和等待我們的將是在后來的另一場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)攻擊的對(duì)象。

如果我們對(duì)自己誠實(shí)，我們必須承認(rèn)有風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的任何過程中我們可以采取。但我深信，我國絕大多數(shù)人同意，我提倡的課程包括風(fēng)險(xiǎn)最小的現(xiàn)在和未來世界和平的最大希望的。

歐洲的人民在捍衛(wèi)自己，不要求我們替他們打仗。他們問我們的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，實(shí)現(xiàn)了飛機(jī)，坦克，大炮，貨船，使他們能為自己的自由和我們的安全而戰(zhàn)。重點(diǎn)，我們必須把這些武器給他們，讓他們?cè)谧銐蛄康难杆僮阋允刮覀兒臀覀兊暮⒆訉⒈槐４娴耐纯嗪涂嚯y的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，其他人不得不忍受。

不要讓失敗主義者告訴我們，它是太晚了。它將不會(huì)早。明天要比今天更遲。

一定的事實(shí)是不言而喻的。

在軍事上說，英國和英帝國的今天是抵抗征服世界的先鋒。他們堅(jiān)持戰(zhàn)斗，這將永遠(yuǎn)活在人類的勇敢的故事。沒有要求美國派遠(yuǎn)征軍到國外。有沒有意向你們政府的任何成員發(fā)送這樣的力量。你可以因此，釘，釘約出兵歐洲任何故意不說話。我們的國家政策不是走向戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。它的唯一目的是讓戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)離開我們的國家和我們的人民遠(yuǎn)離。

民主的反對(duì)征服全世界正在幫助很大，必須更多的幫助很大，由美國重整軍備和發(fā)送的每一盎司和軍需供應(yīng)每噸，我們可以備用幫助那些在前線守軍。這是沒有更多的中性點(diǎn)為我們做的比它是瑞典，俄羅斯，德國和其他國家附近把鋼鐵、礦石、石油和其他戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)物資到德國一禮拜中的每一天。

我們最緊迫的我們自己的防衛(wèi)計(jì)劃，并在其龐大的規(guī)模就必須把英國和其他自由國家抵抗侵略戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的需要。這不是一個(gè)問題，情緒或有爭(zhēng)議的個(gè)人意見。這是一個(gè)現(xiàn)實(shí)的，實(shí)際的軍事政策，基于我們的軍事專家誰有緊密的聯(lián)系，與現(xiàn)有的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的建議。這些軍事和海軍專家和國會(huì)的成員和政府有一個(gè)專一的目的：美國的防御。

這個(gè)國家正在產(chǎn)生的一切，在這緊急需要很大的努力，并盡速。這種努力需要偉大的犧牲。我會(huì)讓無人防守的民主又不會(huì)保衛(wèi)每個(gè)人對(duì)抗國家要與貧困。這個(gè)國家的強(qiáng)度不應(yīng)以政府未能保護(hù)其公民的經(jīng)濟(jì)福祉稀釋。如果我們的生產(chǎn)能力是有限的機(jī)器，它將永遠(yuǎn)記得這些機(jī)器的技能和工人的體力工作。

作為政府決意保護(hù)工人的權(quán)利，因此，國家有權(quán)要求人的機(jī)器將履行其全權(quán)防御的迫切需要。工人們擁有相同的人格尊嚴(yán)和有權(quán)的位置相同的安全工程師或經(jīng)理或老板。為員工提供人力，原來的驅(qū)逐艦，和飛機(jī)，坦克和。國家希望我們的國防工業(yè)繼續(xù)運(yùn)行不受罷工或停工中斷。預(yù)計(jì)，堅(jiān)持管理和員工將自愿或法律手段調(diào)和他們之間的分歧，繼續(xù)生產(chǎn)，所以急需的物資。在我們偉大的防御計(jì)劃，經(jīng)濟(jì)方面我們是，你知道的，彎曲的一切努力，生活成本的穩(wěn)定性保持穩(wěn)定的價(jià)格。

九天前我宣布建立一個(gè)更有效的組織來指導(dǎo)我們的巨大努力增加軍_生產(chǎn)。的巨額資金撥款和協(xié)調(diào)執(zhí)行方向我們的防御措施本身并不足夠。槍炮，飛機(jī)，船舶和其他許多事情都必須建立在工廠和美國的核武庫。他們必須由工人和管理人員和工程師制作的這反過來又是由成千上萬的工人在陸地的機(jī)器的幫助。在這個(gè)偉大的工作已經(jīng)有政府、行業(yè)和勞動(dòng)之間的良好合作。我很感激。

美國工業(yè)界的天才，無與倫比的全世界的生產(chǎn)問題的解決，已經(jīng)呼吁，將以其聰明才智為行動(dòng)。的手表制造商，農(nóng)具，對(duì)linotypes和收銀機(jī)和汽車，和縫紉機(jī)和割草機(jī)和機(jī)車，現(xiàn)在使熔斷器和炸彈的包裝箱和望遠(yuǎn)鏡支架和貝殼和槍和坦克。

但我們所有的努力是不夠的。我們必須有更多的船只，更多的槍，更多的飛機(jī)——更多的東西。這可以當(dāng)我們拋棄了"照常營業(yè)的概念。"這工作不能由疊加在現(xiàn)有的生產(chǎn)設(shè)施，增加國防的需要僅僅做。我們的防守努力不要被那些擔(dān)心將來工廠生產(chǎn)能力過剩的后果的封鎖。我們的防御措施失效的可能后果現(xiàn)在更是可怕的。在我們的國防需求現(xiàn)狀是過去，正確處理國家的和平時(shí)期，需要將要求所有新的生產(chǎn)能力，如果不是更。沒有對(duì)美國前途悲觀的政策應(yīng)當(dāng)延緩這些行業(yè)必不可少的防御即時(shí)擴(kuò)張。我們需要他們。

我想說清楚，它的目的是現(xiàn)在盡快地建立每一臺(tái)機(jī)器，每一個(gè)阿森納，每一個(gè)工廠，我們需要我們的國防材料制造。我們有人，技能，財(cái)富，最重要的是，將。我相信，如果在某些行業(yè)的生產(chǎn)消費(fèi)品和奢侈品需要機(jī)器，用于國防目的是必不可少的原料使用，那么這樣的生產(chǎn)一定產(chǎn)量，而且會(huì)心甘情愿地，我們的主要的和令人信服的目的。

因此我號(hào)召工廠的業(yè)主，對(duì)管理人員，對(duì)工人，我們自己的政府雇員把一點(diǎn)一滴的努力為生產(chǎn)軍_和毫不吝惜地。這一呼吁我給你的承諾，我們所有的人都是你的政府官員將致力于同全心全意地去謊言的偉大任務(wù)。

由于生產(chǎn)，大炮和炮彈的政府，它的國防專家，可以決定如何最好地使用它們來保衛(wèi)這個(gè)半球。決定把多少將被派往國外，多少要留在家里，必須對(duì)我們的整體軍事用品的基礎(chǔ)上。

我們必須成為民主國家的兵工廠。

對(duì)我們來說這是緊急和戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)本身一樣嚴(yán)重。我們必須致力于我們的任務(wù)具有相同的分辨率，同樣的緊迫感，同樣的愛國主義精神和犧牲，我們將展示我們的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。

我們已經(jīng)給英國偉大的物質(zhì)上的支持，我們將為今后更遠(yuǎn)。將不會(huì)有"瓶頸"決心幫助英國。沒有獨(dú)裁的人，沒有結(jié)合的獨(dú)裁的人，將削弱的威脅，確定如何解釋，測(cè)定。英國已收到從英雄的希臘軍隊(duì)從流亡在外的所有政府軍隊(duì)寶貴的軍事支持。他們的力量是成長(zhǎng)。這是男人和女人誰珍惜他們的自由生活比他們的價(jià)值更高的強(qiáng)度。

我相信，軸心國不會(huì)贏得這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我相信最新和最好的信息庫。

我們沒有理由失敗。我們有理由希望——希望和平，是的，希望對(duì)我們文明的防御和在未來更好的文明建設(shè)。我認(rèn)為美國人民現(xiàn)在決定提出一個(gè)更強(qiáng)大的力量比他們?cè)?jīng)還增加我們的防御所有實(shí)現(xiàn)生產(chǎn)的信念，以滿足我們的民主信仰的威脅。

作為美國總統(tǒng)，我呼吁國家的努力。我叫它在這個(gè)國家，我們的愛和尊敬，我們很榮幸和驕傲的服務(wù)名稱。我號(hào)召我們的人民有絕對(duì)的信心，我們共同的事業(yè)將極大的成功。

羅斯福英語演講稿 模板4

閱讀小貼士：模板4共計(jì)6310個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)16分鐘。朗讀需要32分鐘，中速朗讀43分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要58分鐘，有208位用戶喜歡。

the only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror,which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.

我們唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——這種難以名狀、失去理智和毫無道理的恐懼，把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。

president hoover, mister chief justice, my friends:

胡佛總統(tǒng)，首席法官先生，朋友們：

this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day, my fellow americanse_pect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and adecision which the present situation of our people impels. this is preeminently the time tospeak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facingthe conditions facing our country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, willrevive and will prosper. so first of all, let me e_press my firm belief that the only thing wehave to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes neededefforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership offrankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves,which is essential to victory. and i am convinced that you will again give that support toleadership in these critical days.

今天，對(duì)我們的國家來說，是一個(gè)神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會(huì)像我國目前形勢(shì)所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話?，F(xiàn)在正是坦白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話，說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，不老老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國今天的情況。這個(gè)偉大的國家會(huì)一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去，它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼，它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時(shí)刻，大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。

in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thankgod, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; ta_es have risen, ourability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; themeans of e_change are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings ofmany years and thousands of families are gone.

我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對(duì)我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了;課稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié);工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見;農(nóng)場(chǎng)主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of e_istence, and an equaland great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities ofthe moment.

更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。

and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague oflocusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. nature surrounds us with her bounty, andhuman efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishesin the very sight of the supply. primarily, this is because the rulers of the e_change ofmankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changersstand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢?。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力，因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗了，并撒手不管了。貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。

true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. stripped ofthe lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they haveresorted to e_hortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rulesof a generation of self-seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the peopleperish.

是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時(shí)的方法。面對(duì)信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的金錢，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的。

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in thee_tent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.

如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢利益更高尚的社會(huì)價(jià)值的程度。

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescent profits.these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister toourselves, to our fellow men.

幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢;幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。

recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand withthe abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valuedonly by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to ourconduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likenessof callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrivesonly on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection andon unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.

認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念;我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為。難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無私履行職責(zé)。而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, andaction now.

但是，復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國家要求行動(dòng)起來，現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take itwisely and courageously. it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by thegovernment itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the sametime, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate andreorganize the use

of our great natural resources.

我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個(gè)問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對(duì)待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān)頭一樣，但同時(shí)，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源的工程。

hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in ourindustrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort toprovide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

我們齊心協(xié)力，但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國范圍內(nèi)重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表揮更大作用。

yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventingrealistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and ourfarms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government actforthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can behelped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and ofcommunications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many waysin which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. we must act,we must act quickly.

明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購買城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力，會(huì)有助于任務(wù)的完成。避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場(chǎng)業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù)的完成。聯(lián)邦、州、各地政府立即行動(dòng)回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲，有助于任務(wù)的完成。將現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動(dòng)統(tǒng)一起來有助于任務(wù)的完成。對(duì)所有公共交通運(yùn)輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任務(wù)的完成。許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成，但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動(dòng)，立即行動(dòng)。

and finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against thereturn of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; andthere must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

最后，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來;一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制：一定要杜絕投機(jī);一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)。

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in specialsession, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistanceof the 48 states.

以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針。我要在特別會(huì)議上敦促新國會(huì)給予詳細(xì)實(shí)施方案，并且，我要向18個(gè)州請(qǐng)求立即的援助。

through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder, and making income balance outflow. our international trade relations, though vastlyimportant, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a soundnational economy. i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare noeffort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.

通過行動(dòng)，我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大于支出。我們的國際貿(mào)易，雖然很重要，但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上，次于對(duì)本國健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的建立。我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行。雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易，但我認(rèn)為國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的完成。

the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowlynationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of thevarious elements in all parts of the united states of america – a recognition of the old and thepermanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way torecovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義。我首先考慮的是堅(jiān)持美國這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對(duì)美國式的開拓精神的古老而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)。這才是復(fù)蘇之路，是即時(shí)之路，是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路。

in the field of world policy, i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. theneighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.the neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in andwith, a world of neighbor.

在國際政策方面，我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個(gè)決心自重，因此而尊重鄰國的國家。做一個(gè)履行義務(wù)，尊重與他國協(xié)約的國家。

if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before,our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrificefor the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can bemade, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives andour property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at thelarger good. this, i propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind uponus all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armedstrife.

如果我對(duì)人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認(rèn)識(shí)到了我們從未認(rèn)識(shí)的問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)。我們前進(jìn)時(shí)，必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊(duì)，愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身，因?yàn)?，沒有這些原則，就無法取得進(jìn)步，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力。我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備，并愿意為此原則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn)，因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能。我倡議，為了更偉大的目標(biāo)，我們所有的人，以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來。這是神圣的義務(wù)，非戰(zhàn)亂，不停止。

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image,action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from myancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meete_traordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a centralform, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduringpolitical mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vaste_pansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù)，致力于對(duì)我們普遍問題的強(qiáng)攻。這樣的行動(dòng)，這樣的目標(biāo)，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可行的。我們的憲法如此簡(jiǎn)單，實(shí)在。它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況，只需對(duì)重點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因?yàn)槿绱?，我們的憲法體制已自證為是最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制。它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國際關(guān)系所帶來的壓力。

and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of e_ecutive and legislative authority will befully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelay ction may call for temporary departure fromthat normal balance of public procedure.

而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任務(wù)。但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對(duì)緊急行動(dòng)的需要要求國民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏，緊迫起來。

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in theclearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at theassurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí)，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長(zhǎng)治久安。

we do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the united states havenot failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorousaction. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們?cè)诶щy中表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。

in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of god, mayhe protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.

在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福。愿上帝保信我們大家和每一個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。

羅斯福英語演講稿 模板5

閱讀小貼士：模板5共計(jì)6543個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)17分鐘。朗讀需要33分鐘，中速朗讀44分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要60分鐘，有199位用戶喜歡。

美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(英文版)

president hoover, mr. chief justice, my friends:

this is a day of national consecration. and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans e_pect that on my induction into the presidency, i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

in such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunk to fantastic levels; ta_es have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of e_change are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of e_istence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

and yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

primarily, this is because the rulers of the e_change of mankind"s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

true, they have tried. but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to e_hortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of that restoration lies in the e_tent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

we must act. we must act quickly.

and finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. there must be an end to speculation with other people"s money. and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.

through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. i favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the united states of america -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

in the field of world policy, i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

we are, i know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet e_traordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

it has met every stress of vast e_pansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of e_ecutive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

i am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. these measures, or such other measures as the congress may build out of its e_perience and wisdom, i shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

but, in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad e_ecutive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

for the trust reposed in me, i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

we do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. the people of the united states have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift i take it.

in this dedication -- in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of god.

may he protect each and every one of us.

may he guide me in the days to come.

美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福就職演講稿(中文版)

胡佛總統(tǒng)，首席法官先生，朋友們：

今天，對(duì)我們的國家來說，是一個(gè)神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)，會(huì)像我國目前形勢(shì)所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話?，F(xiàn)在正是坦白、勇敢地說出實(shí)話，說出全部實(shí)話的最好時(shí)刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，不老老實(shí)實(shí)面對(duì)我國今天的情況。這個(gè)偉大的國家會(huì)一如既往地堅(jiān)持下去，它會(huì)復(fù)興和繁榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅(jiān)定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據(jù)的恐懼，它把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)所需的種種努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰云密布的時(shí)刻，坦率而有活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準(zhǔn)備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時(shí)刻，大家會(huì)再次給予同樣的支持。

我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對(duì)我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質(zhì)方面的。價(jià)值難以想象地貶縮了;課稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級(jí)政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段在貿(mào)易過程中遭到了凍結(jié);工業(yè)企業(yè)枯萎的落葉到處可見;農(nóng)場(chǎng)主的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬戶多年的積蓄付之東流。

更重要的是，大批失業(yè)公民正面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動(dòng)換取微薄的報(bào)酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會(huì)否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實(shí)。

但是，我們的苦惱決不是因?yàn)槿狈ξ镔Y。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉(zhuǎn)危為安，比起他們經(jīng)歷過的險(xiǎn)阻，我們?nèi)源罂筛械叫牢?。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時(shí)候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因?yàn)橹髟兹祟愇镔Y交換的統(tǒng)治者們失敗了，他們固執(zhí)己見而又無能為力，因而已經(jīng)認(rèn)定失敗了，并撒手不管了。貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。

是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時(shí)的方法。面對(duì)信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當(dāng)誘餌引誘 人民追隨他們的錯(cuò)誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的金錢，他們只得求助于講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡的。

如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現(xiàn)比金錢利益更高尚的社會(huì)價(jià)值的程度。

幸福并不在于單純地占有金錢;幸福還在于取得成就后的喜悅，在于創(chuàng)造努力時(shí)的激情。務(wù)必不能再忘記勞動(dòng)帶來的喜悅和激勵(lì)，而去瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時(shí)日能使我們認(rèn)識(shí)到，我們真正的天命不是要?jiǎng)e人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務(wù)，那么，我們付出的代價(jià)就完全是值得的。

認(rèn)識(shí)到把物質(zhì)財(cái)富當(dāng)作成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)是錯(cuò)誤的，我們就會(huì)拋棄以地位尊嚴(yán)和個(gè)人收益為唯一標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，來衡量公職和高級(jí)政治地位的錯(cuò)誤信念;我們必須制止銀行界和企業(yè)界的一種行為，它常常使神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不正當(dāng)行為。難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實(shí)、信譽(yù)、忠心維護(hù)和無私履行職責(zé)。而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。

但是，復(fù)興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個(gè)國家要求行動(dòng)起來，現(xiàn)在就行動(dòng)起來。

我們最大、最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個(gè)問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對(duì)待臨戰(zhàn)的緊要關(guān)頭一樣，但同時(shí)，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激并重組巨大自然資源的工程。

我們齊心協(xié)力，但必須坦白地承認(rèn)工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國范圍內(nèi)重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發(fā)表揮更大作用。

明確地為提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品價(jià)值并以此購買城市產(chǎn)品所做的努力，會(huì)有助于任務(wù)的完成。避免許多小家庭業(yè)、農(nóng)場(chǎng)業(yè)被取消贖取抵押品的權(quán)利的悲劇也有助于任務(wù)的完成。聯(lián)邦、州、各地政府立即行動(dòng)回應(yīng)要求降價(jià)的呼聲，有助于任務(wù)的完成。將現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)、不平等的救濟(jì)活動(dòng)統(tǒng)一起來有助于任務(wù)的完成。對(duì)所有公共交通運(yùn)輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設(shè)施作全國性的計(jì)劃及監(jiān)督有助于任務(wù)的完成。許多事情都有助于任務(wù)完成，但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動(dòng)，立即行動(dòng)。

最后，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來;一定要有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)、信貸及投資的機(jī)制：一定要杜絕投機(jī);一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應(yīng)。

以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針。我要在特別會(huì)議上敦促新國會(huì)給予詳細(xì)實(shí)施方案，并且，我要向18個(gè)州請(qǐng)求立即的援助。

通過行動(dòng)，我們將予以我們自己一個(gè)有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大于支出。我們的國際貿(mào)易，雖然很重要，但現(xiàn)在在時(shí)間和必要性上，次于對(duì)本國健康經(jīng)濟(jì)的建立。我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務(wù)先行。雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新協(xié)調(diào)所來恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易，但我認(rèn)為國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這重新協(xié)調(diào)的完成。

指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想并非狹隘的國家主義。我首先考慮的是堅(jiān)持美國這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對(duì)美國式的開拓精神的古老而永恒的證明的體現(xiàn)。這才是復(fù)蘇之路，是即時(shí)之路，是保證復(fù)蘇功效持久之路。

在國際政策方面，我將使美國采取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個(gè)決心自重，因此而尊重鄰國的國家。做一個(gè)履行義務(wù)，尊重與他國協(xié)約的國家。

如果我對(duì)人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認(rèn)識(shí)到了我們從未認(rèn)識(shí)的問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻(xiàn)。我們前進(jìn)時(shí)，必須象一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊(duì)，愿意為共同的原則而獻(xiàn)身，因?yàn)?，沒有這些原則，就無法取得進(jìn)步，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能得力。我們都已做好準(zhǔn)備，并愿意為此原則獻(xiàn)出生命和財(cái)產(chǎn)，因?yàn)檫@將使志在建設(shè)更美好社會(huì)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)成為可能。我倡議，為了更偉大的目標(biāo)，我們所有的人，以一致的職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)起來。這是神圣的義務(wù)，非戰(zhàn)亂，不停止。

有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)偉大人民大軍的任務(wù)，致力于對(duì)我們普遍問題的強(qiáng)攻。這樣的行動(dòng)，這樣的目標(biāo)，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可行的。我們的憲法如此簡(jiǎn)單，實(shí)在。它隨時(shí)可以應(yīng)付特殊情況，只需對(duì)重點(diǎn)和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因?yàn)槿绱?，我們的憲法體制已自證為是最有適應(yīng)性的政治體制。它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張、外戰(zhàn)、內(nèi)亂及國際關(guān)系所帶來的壓力。

而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地?fù)?dān)負(fù)前所未有的任務(wù)。但現(xiàn)在前所未有的對(duì)緊急行動(dòng)的需要要求國民暫時(shí)丟棄平常生活節(jié)奏，緊迫起來。

讓我們正視面前的嚴(yán)峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統(tǒng)的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識(shí)，懷著老老少少都能通過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿和長(zhǎng)治久安。

我們并不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民并沒有失敗。他們?cè)诶щy中表達(dá)了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行動(dòng)。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們現(xiàn)在選擇了我作為實(shí)現(xiàn)他們的愿望的工具。我接受這份厚贈(zèng)。

在此舉國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請(qǐng)求上帝賜福。愿上帝保信我們大家和每一個(gè)人，愿上帝在未來的日子里指引我。

羅斯福英語演講稿 模板6

閱讀小貼士：模板6共計(jì)1906個(gè)字，預(yù)計(jì)閱讀時(shí)長(zhǎng)5分鐘。朗讀需要10分鐘，中速朗讀13分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場(chǎng)合朗讀需要18分鐘，有176位用戶喜歡。

mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:

yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.

the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.

indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the e_isting diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and e_pressions of hope for continued peace.

the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.

yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.

last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.

last night, japanese forces attacked guam.

last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.

last night, the japanese attacked wake island.

and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.

japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive e_tending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

fdrwarspeech.jpg

as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

hostilities e_ist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.

i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has e_isted between the united states and the japanese empire.

美國總統(tǒng)羅斯福珍珠港演講稿(中文版)

副總統(tǒng)先生、議長(zhǎng)先生、參眾兩院各位議員：

昨天， 1941年12月7日——必須永遠(yuǎn)記住這個(gè)恥辱的日子——美利堅(jiān)合眾國受到了日本帝國?？哲娡蝗坏男钜獾倪M(jìn)攻。美國和日本是和平相處的，根據(jù)日本的請(qǐng)求仍在同它的政府和進(jìn)行會(huì)談，以期維護(hù)太平洋和平。實(shí)際上，就在日本空軍中隊(duì)已經(jīng)開始轟炸美國瓦湖島之后的一小時(shí)，日本駐美國大使還向我們的國務(wù)卿提交了對(duì)美國最近致日方信函的正式答復(fù)。雖然復(fù)函聲稱繼續(xù)現(xiàn)行外交談判似已無用，但并未包含有關(guān)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)或武裝進(jìn)攻的威脅或暗示。

歷史將會(huì)證明，夏威夷距日本這么遙遠(yuǎn)，表明這次進(jìn)攻是經(jīng)過許多天或甚至許多個(gè)星期精心策劃的。在此期間，日本政府蓄意以虛偽的聲明和表示繼續(xù)維護(hù)和平的愿望來欺騙美國。

昨天對(duì)夏威夷島的進(jìn)攻給美國海陸軍部隊(duì)造成了嚴(yán)重的損害。我遺憾地告訴各位，很多美國人喪失了生命，此外，據(jù)報(bào)，美國船只在舊金山和火奴魯魯(檀香山)之間的公海上也遭到了魚雷襲擊。

昨天，日本政府已發(fā)動(dòng)了對(duì)馬來亞的進(jìn)攻。

昨夜，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了香港。

昨夜，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了關(guān)島。

昨夜，日本軍隊(duì)進(jìn)攻了菲律賓群島。

昨夜，日本人進(jìn)攻了威克島。

今晨，日本人進(jìn)攻了中途島。

因此，日本在整個(gè)太平洋區(qū)域采取了突然的攻勢(shì)。昨天和今天的事實(shí)不言自明。美國的人民已經(jīng)形成了自己的見解，并且十分清楚這關(guān)系到我們國家的安全和生存的本身。

作為陸海軍，總司令，我已指示，為了我們的防務(wù)采取一切措施。

但是，我們整個(gè)國家都將永遠(yuǎn)記住這次對(duì)我們進(jìn)攻的性質(zhì)。不論要用多長(zhǎng)時(shí)間才能戰(zhàn)勝這次預(yù)謀的入侵，美國人民以自己的正義力量一定要贏得絕對(duì)的勝利。

我們現(xiàn)在預(yù)言，我們不僅要做出最大的努力來保衛(wèi)我們自己，我們還將確保這種形式的背信棄義永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)再危及我們。我這樣說，相信是表達(dá)了國會(huì)和人民的意志。

敵對(duì)行動(dòng)已經(jīng)存在。無庸諱言，我國人民、我國領(lǐng)土和我國利益都處于嚴(yán)重危險(xiǎn)之中。

相信我們的武裝部隊(duì)——依靠我國人民的堅(jiān)定決心--我們將取得必然的勝利，愿上帝幫助我們!我要求國會(huì)宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本發(fā)動(dòng)無端的、卑鄙的進(jìn)攻時(shí)起，美國和日本帝國之間已處于戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)狀態(tài)。